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ARCH AEOLOGIA :

OR,

MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS

RELATING TO

ANTIQUITY.

• ,

ARCHAEOLOGIA:

OR,

MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS

RELATING TO

ANTIQUITY.

PUBLISHED BY THE

SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON.

VOLUME XIX.

LONDON.

PRINTED BY T. BENSLEY, CRANE COURT, FLEET STREET.

SOLD AT THE SOCIETY’S APARTMENTS IN SOMERSET-PLACE; AND BY
MESSRS. WHITE, NORNAVILLE AND FELL, NICOL, SOTHEBY,
WILSON, CADELL AND DAVIES, EGERTON,

AND TAYLOR.

MDCCCXXI.

: S IH) ^ :

* • . , - '

. 1 1

. .4

■ • . -

I •

TABLE

CONTENTS.

Page.

I. Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith. By

Alexander Luders, Esq. Communicated by Samuel
Lysons, Esq. V.P.F.R.S. . - - 1 — 10

II. Copy of a Letter from Queen Elizabeth to King James the
Sixth of Scotland, in the possession of Mrs. Barker. Commu¬
nicated by the Rev. S. Weston, B.D. F.R.S. and S.A. 11 — 12

III. An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

By Roger Wilbraham, Esq. F.R.S. and S. A. Commu¬
nicated in a Letter to Samuel Lysons, Esq. V.P. F. R.S. 13 — 42

IV. An Account of a Stone Barrow, in the Parish of' Wellow, at
Stoney Littleton in the County of Somerset, which was opened
and investigated in the Month of May 1816. Communicated

by Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Bart. F.S.A. - - - - 43— 48

V. An Account of two Seals attached to a Deed of the Twelfth

Century , granted by the Prior and Convent of St. Bartholomew,
in Smithfield. By Richard Powell, A I.D. F.S.A. In a
Letter to William George Maton, M.D. F.R.S. and
S.A. - - . 49 — 55

VI. An Account of some Antiquities found at Fulbourn in Cambridge¬

shire, in a Letter addressed to Nicholas Carlisle, Esq. F.R.S.
Secretary ; by the Rev. E. J). Clarke, L.L.D. Professor of
Mineralogy in the University of Cambridge. ----- 56 — 61

CONTENTS.

Page,

Copy of an Order made by Cardinal Wolsey , as Lord Chanr
cellor, 7'espectmg the Management of the Affairs of the young
Earl of Oxford. Communicated by Henry Ellis, Esq.
F.R.S. Secretary , in a Letter to Matthew Raper, Esq.

V.P. F.R.S. . - - - - - 69,-65

VII. Observations on the Seal of Evesham Abbey in Worcestershire.

By William Hamper, Esq. Communicated in a Letter to
Nicholas Carlisle, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary - - - . 66 — 69

V 1 11. Some Observations on an Antique Bas-relief on which the Evil
Eye , or Fascinum , is represented. By James Millingen,

Esq. F.S.A. ------ . 70 — 74

IX. Observations on the Site of the Priory of Halywell in Warwick¬
shire, a Cell to Roucester Abbey in the County of Stafford.

By William Hamper, Esq. Ln a Letter addressed to

H enry Ellis, Esq. F.R.'S. Secretary. ------ 75 — 78

X. Account of the Lottery of 1567, being the first upon Record,

in a Letter from William Bray, Esq. Treasurer, addressed to
Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary. ------ 79 — 87

XI. Observations on an Historical Fact supposed to be established by
the Bayeux Tapestry. By Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A.
in a Letter addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S.

[ Secretary. -------------- - 88 — 95

XH. Observations on a Roman Encampment near East Hempstead,
in Berkshire. By John Narrien, Esq. of the Royal Mili¬
tary College at Sandhurst. In a Letter to Henry Ellis, Esq.

F. R. S. Secretary. - -- -- -- -- -- - 95 — 98

XIII. Further Observations on the Bas-relief supposed to represent

the Evil Eye. By the Rev. Stephen Weston, B. D. F. R. S.

In a Letter to the Earl of Aberdeen, K.T. F.R.S.

President. - - . ____ 99 — joi

Observations on an ancient Celt found near Boston in Lincoln¬
shire. By the Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, Bart.

G. C.B. P.R.S. - - . - - 102—104

CONTENTS.

VII

Pape.

XV. Copy of a Letter to Sir Robert Atkyns, Knight of the Bath ,

Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer , and Speaker of the House
of Lords in the reign of King William , from his brother
Sir Edward Atkyns , who was also Lord Chief Baron of the
Exchequer. Written from London during the Fire 1666, to his
Brother at Sapperton, his residence in Gloucestershire. Com¬
municated by the Rev. Stephen Weston, B. D. F. R. S. 105 — 108

XVI. An Account of' some Anglo-Saxon Pennies found at Dorking

in Surrey. Communicated by Taylor Combe, Esq. Sec. R. S.
Director. . 1 09 — 1 1 9

XVII. Observations on the Body -Armour anciently zoom in

England. By Samuel Rush Meyricr, LL.D. in a Letter
addressed 'to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary. - 120 — 145

XVIII. Communication of the Seal and Style of the Master and
Chaplains of' the Savoy Hospital in the Strand. By William
Bray, Esq. Treasurer , in a Letter to Samuel Lysons, Esq.

Vice President, 8$c. 8$c. . - 146 — 148

XIX. Six Original Letter's addressed from Persons high, in the

State , in the Years 1647 and 1648, to Col. Hammond, Go¬
vernor of the Isle of Wight, chief y relating to the intended
Escape of King Charles the First from the Castle of' Caris-
brook. Communicated by Taylor Combe, Esq. F. R. S.
Director. - -- -- - - . 149 — 155

XX. Observations on a Fragment of a very ancient Greek Alarm- ■

script on Papyrus, together with some Sepulchral Inscriptions
from Nubia, lately received by the Earl of Mountnorris, in a
Letter from Thomas Young, M.D. F.R.S. addressed to
Taylor Combe, Esq. F.R.S. Director. - - - - 156 — 160

XXI. An Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses, extending
through the South - Western part of Gloucestershire. By
Tho. John Lloyd Baker, Esq. F.S.A. Communicated

by William Bray, Esq. Treasurer. ------ i6l- — 175

viu

CONTENTS.

Page.

XXII. Account of further Discoveries of the Remains of a Roman
Villa at Bignor in Sussex. By Samuel Lysons, Esq.

V.P. F.R.S. - - - - . . 176—177

XXIII. Account of the Remains of a Roman Villa discovered in the
Parish of Great Witcombe in the County of Gloucester. By
Samuel Lysons, Esq. V.P. F.R.S. - - - - - 178 183

XXIV. Some Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry. By Mr.

Charles Stothard, in a Letter addressed to Samuel
Lysons, Esq. V.P. F.R.S. - - - - - - ■ ~ 134 191

XXV. A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

By Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A. in a Letter addressed to
Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.- - - - - 1 92 — 208

XXVI. Observations on the antient Military Garments formerly

worn in England. By Samuel Kush Me y rick, LL. D. in a
Letter addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary. 209 240

XXVII. Observations , tending to show , that the following Document ,
which was published by Selden , in his “ Titles of Honour , 5 is
Supposititious. By George Chalmers, Esq. F. R. S.
and S. A. Communicated in a Letter to Henry Ellis, Esq.

F.R.S. Secretary. - -- -- -- -- -- 241 *252

XX VIII. Observations on some Ruins recently exposed in St . Martin s-
le- Grand, in clearing the Ground for a new Post-Office. By
J. B. Gardiner, Esq. In a Letter addressed to Alexander
Chalmers, Esq. F.S.A. - - - - - - - - ~ 253 262

XXIX. An Account of the Confinement of Henry Wriothesley,

Earl of Southampton , by Order of Queen Elizabeth , in 1570,
first at the house of Alderman Becher in London , and then
at Loseley in Surrey , the seat of IV m. More , Esq. ( afterwards
Sir Wm.) taken from Original Papers there preserved , and now
in the possession of James More Mofyneux, Esq. the represen¬
tative of that Family (1819.) Communicated by W m . Bray, Esq.
Treasurer. . ------- - 263 269

CONTENTS.

Page.

XXX. Copy of a Survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in Yorkshire,

taken about the 32d Year of Henry VIII. Communicated by
John Caley, Esq. F.S.A. Keeper of the Records in the
Chapter - House at Westminster: in a Letter to Henry
Ellis, Esq. F. R. S. Secretary. . 270 — 2 75

XXXI. A Dissertation on the Lotus of Antiquity. ByY. Duppa, Esq.

LL.B. F.S.A. . a - - - 276—282

XXXII. Extracts from “ The Booke of the howshold Charges and
other Paiments laid out by the L. North and his commandement :
beginning the first day of January 1 575, and the 1 8 yere of' Queen
Elizabeth. Communicated by William Stevenson, Esq. of
Norwich, F.S.A. in a Letter ^oThomasAmyot, Esq .F.S.A. 283 — 301
XXXIII. An Inquiry concerning the Kings of the East Angles, from
the Murder of Ethelbert in 79 2, to the Accession of Edmund the
Martyr in 8 55. By Thomas Amyot, Esq. F. S. A. in a Letter
addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary. - 302 — 307

XXXIV. An Account of some Discoveries made in taking down
the old Bridge over the River Teign , and in excavating the Ground
to the Depth of fifteen Feet five Inches below the Surface of the
Water . By P. T. Taylor, Esq. Communicated by Samuel

Lysons, Esq. V.P. F.R.S. . 308— 313

XXXV . An Account of an unprinted English Poem, written in the
early Part of the fourteenth Century , by Richard de Hampole ,
and entitled u Stimulus Conscientice ,” or “ The Prick of Con¬
science. ’ By Joseph Brooks Yates, Esq. Communicated to
the Society by Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary. - 314 — 334

XXXVI. On the Lorica Catena of the Romans. By Samuel
Rush Meyrick, LL.D. F.S.A. in a Letter addressed to
Henry Ellis, Esq. F. R. S. Secretary. - - - - 335 — 352

XXXVII. Observations on the Use of the Alysterious Figure, called
Vesica Piscis, in the Architecture of the Middle Ages , and in
Gothic Architecture. By T. Kerrich, M.A. F.S.A. Principal
Librarian to the University of Cambridge. ----- 353 — 353

YOL. XIX. b

CONTENTS.

Paje,

XXXVIII. On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse: Richard

Payne Knight, Esq. V.P. - -- -- -- - 369 — 378

XXXIX. The Runic Inscription on the Font at Bridekirk considered ,
and a new Interpretation proposed ; by William Hamper, Esq.
F.S.A. in a Letter addressed to Nicholas Carlisle, Esq.

F.R.S. Secretary. . - 379 — 382

XL. On the Posts anciently placed on each side of the Gates of Chief
Magistrates of Cities in England. By John Adey Repton,

Esq. F.S.A. in a Letter addressed to Nicholas Carlisle, Esq.
F.R.S. Secretary - -- -- -- -- -- - 383 — 385

XL1. On the Lituus of the ancient Romans ; shewmg that this name
had a two-fold signification ; being used to denote a sign of the
highest Priesthood , and also an Augural Staff ; but that the
whole Series of numismatic writers have considered it as applicable
solely to the latter : together with some other observations , in illus¬
tration of a Jasper Intaglia Signet , bearing the sacrificial symbols
of the Roman Pontifex Maximus ; and recently discovered under
remarkable circumstances in Cambridge. By Edward Daniel
Cla rre, LL. D. Member of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin ;
Professor of Mineralogy in the University of Cambridge ; Libra¬
rian of the University , 8$c. &$c. Communicated by the Rev.

, T. Kerrich, M. A. F.S.A. Principal Librarian of the Uni¬

versity of Cambridge - -- -- -- -- -- 386 — 404

Appendix . _____ 405 — 413

Presents to the Society - -- -- . 414 — 428

Index . . - 429 — 438

LIST OF PLATES.

Plate.

Page.

I. Plan and Section of a Stone Barrow in the Parish of

Wellow, Somersetshire - - * .

II. South East Entrance to the Barrow .

III. Section of the Barrow from N. E. to S. W. .

IV. Roman Antiquities found at Fulbourn, and in a Tumulus

called Hay-hill in Cambridgeshire - .

V. Seal of Evesham Abbey, Worcestershire .

VI. Antique Bas-relief, on which the Evil Eye, or Fascinum, is

represented . -

VII. Plan of the Remains of a Roman Encampment, near East

Hempstead, Berks - -- . .

VIII. Ancient Celt found near Boston in Lincolnshire : with

the probable manner of fitting it --------

IX.

^Anglo-Saxon Pennies, found at Dorking in Surrey

IX. *4 Fragments of Greek Manuscripts, and Sepulchral Inscrip-

X. * J tions, from Nubia - -- -- .

XI. Plan of the Entrenchment at Uley Bury, Gloucestershire

XII. Extract from Taylor’s Map of Gloucestershire - - - -

XIII. Plan of a Roman Villa discovered at Bignor in Sussex -

XIV. Plan of the Remains of a Roman Villa discovered in 1818,

at the Parish of Great Witcombe in Gloucestershire

104

118

160

174

176

182

xii LIST OF PLATES.

Plate. Page.

XV. Ruins in St. Martin’s-le-Grand . 262

XVI. Views of Teign Bridge . 312

XVII. Plan of Teign Bridge. Denbury Down. Castle Dike

in Ugbrooke Park - -- -- . 312

XVIII. Encampment on Milberdown, with Section. View

and Plan of Castle Field --------- 312

XIX. Centre Arch of the Red Bridge over the Teign - - 312

XX — XXXIV. Plans of Churches, &c. in illustration of the use
of the Figure called Vesica Piscis, in the Archi¬
tecture of the Middle Ages . 368

XXXV. Inscription on the Bridekirk Font in Cumberland - - 381

XXXVI. Ancient Posts in Elm-Hill near the Tomb-land,

Norwich - 383

XXXVII — XL. Representations of the Lituus of the ancient

Romans - . _____ 404

XLI. Fig. 1, 2. Head of an Axe found near Horseley-
Deep in Lincolnshire. Fig. 3. Gold Ring found
in the Ruins of the Palace at Eltham, Kent - - - 409

XLII. Roman Urn found at Cambridge 409

XLIII. View of a Cairn, at Crakraig in Sutherland ; with a

Roman Urn discovered there - - . 411

At a Council of the Society of Antiquaries, May 31, 1782.
Resolved,

That any Gentleman, desirous to have separate Copies of any
Memoir he may have presented to the Society, may be allowed, upon
application to the Council, to have a certain number, not exceeding
Twenty, printed off at his own expense.

At a Council of the Society of Antiquaries, May 23, 1792.
Resolved,

That the Order made the 31st of May, 1782, with respect to
Gentlemen who may be desirous to have separate Copies of any
Memoir they may have presented to the Society, be printed in the
volumes of the Archaeologia, in some proper and conspicuous part, for
the better communication of the same to the Members at large.

At a Council of the Society of Antiquaries, May 2, 1815.
Ordered,

That, in future, anyGentleman desirous to have separate Copies
of any Paper he may have presented to the Society, which shall be
printed in the Archaeologia, or Vetusta Monumenta, shall be allowed,
on application in writing to the Secretary, to receive a number not
exceeding Twenty Copies, (free of all expense,) of such Paper, as soon
as it is printed.

‘

- •• V •;*

■

« . : « » r i i

, »

■

ARCHAEOLOGIA ;

OR,

MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS,

SfC.

I . Of the Kings Title of Defender of the Faith . By Alexander
Luders, Esq , Communicated hy Samuel Lysons, Esq.
V.P. F.R.S.

Read 1st May, 1817-

O ur Kings do not bear this title under the authority of Leo the
tenth's Bull to Henry VIII. or that of Clement VII. his successor,
who confirmed it. x41though the original came from the church of
Rome, the modern title is thoroughly English, and derived from our
own legislature.

Henry was so pleased with the honour as to wear it after he had
quarrelled with the Popes and denied their authority ; and when he
had ceased to be the Champion of the Holy See, in which character
he had received the gift. From this time he became a founder of the
title to his successors, who have held it under the authority of the
statute 35 Hen. VIII. c. 3.

The original Bull of Leo is still preserved in the British Museum,
though much impaired, of which there is a full copy in Rymer’s
Fcedera.* The Pope in this instrument lavishes abundance of praise

* Tom. xiii. p. 756, where there is a fac simile engraving of it : but a better has been
lately added to the Reports on Publick Records, App. pi. 6. Selden likewise copied it in
Tit. Hon. pt. I. c. 5.

VOL. XIX.

Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith .

upon his dutiful son, for the zeal, learning, and other graces displayed
in his book against Luther. He finds it to contain “ admirabilem
quondam et ccelestis gratia; rare conspersam doctrinam ,” for the utter
confusion of hereticks ; and affording a noble example to other
Princes to maintain the orthodox faith with all their power. He
then proceeds thus:

“ Now We holding it just to distinguish those who have under¬
taken such pious labours for defending the Faith of Christ, with
every honour and commendation, and willing not only to extol and
magnify with worthiest praises, the book which your Majesty hath
written with most absolute learning and equal eloquence against the
said Martin Luther, and to approve and confirm the same by our
authority; but also to decorate your Majesty’s person with such a
name and title of honour, that all the faithful in Christ, in our own
and all future times, may understand how pleasant and acceptable
your Majesty’s present, offered to us especially at this time hath been;

“We who are the true successors of Peter whom Christ when
about to ascend into heaven left for his Vicar upon earth, and to
whom he committed the care of his flock, and who sit in this holy
seat from whence all dignities and titles flow, after mature delibera¬
tion had upon the matter with our said brethren, have decreed with
their unanimous advice and assent to confer upon your Majesty this
Title, that is to say, Defender of the Faith ; as we now do by these
presents name you by such title. Commanding all the faithful in
Christ by this title to describe your Majesty, and in their letters to
add the words Defender of the Faith after that of King.'

The Pontiff adds that a more worthy title could not be found for
such transcendent merit, and cautions the King not to be too much
elated on the occasion ; but to receive it with grateful humility, and
go on in the same course, that he may become a glorious example to
his posterity, and encourage them to deserve the same by treading
in his steps. Granting his own and God’s blessing upon him, his
wife, and children, and all their descendants.

The date is of 11th Oct. 1521, 9th year of his pontificate. This

Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith.

grant, we should say, according to our law, has no proper words of
limitation and inheritance ; for the blessing alone is conferred upon the
wife and children and not the title. The inheritance seems not to be
conveyed : So that none but the King himself could claim the honour,
as peculiar to his person ; unless in the opinion of his Holiness, the
descendant should be thought to inherit the virtues of his ancestor.
The original words of this article are, “ ut si tali titulo ipsi quoque,
(i. e. postcri tui ) insigniri optabunt, talia etiam opera efficere, prsecla-

raque Majestatis tuae vestigia sequi studeant; quam - un^ cum

uxore et filiis, ac omnibus qui a te et illis nascentur, nostra benedic-
tione, in nomine illius h quo illam concedendi potestas nobis data est
- benedicentes — &c. "

The Bull of confirmation granted two years afterwards by Clement
VII. enlarges the King’s praises beyond all bounds, of which it con¬
tains a load too heavy for any but a crowned head to bear. But in
respect of the title earned by his extraordinary merits, it simply con¬
firms the grant of Leo to the King himself : Approbamus, conjirmamus,
tibique perpetuum et proprium deputamus .a

After the King’s final breach with Rome he continued the use of
the title as before ; and as he wholly disregarded the Bull of Paul the
Third, which declared him unworthy of that and every other dignity,
and deprived him of his crown, his style and title were not affected
by it. This Bull which issued in 1535 was afterwards suspended, and
not finally put forth till 1538. b

After various acts of parliament had been made for declaring the
succession of the Crown, it was thought proper to make one for the
royal style and title. The statute of the year 1543, (35 Hen. VIII.
c. 3.) had this object. It is called in the printed statute An Act for
the ratification of the King’s Majesty’s Style. This takes no notice
of any Papal Bulls, and declares the royal style in Latin and English,
which “ shall be from henceforth — united and annexed for ever to the
Imperial Crown of his Highness realm of England .”

a Rym. F. tom. xiv. fol. 14. b Burnet Hist. Ref. v. 1. Coll. pp. 166, 176.

B 2

Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith.

Thus in Latin, “ H. VIII. Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hibernian
Rex, fidei defensor, et in terra Ecclesiae Anglican* et Hibernic*
supremum caput.” Thus in English, “ H. VIII. by the grace of God
King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of
the Church of England and also of Ireland in earth the supreme
Head.”

In this manner did an antipapal King and the Reformation Parlia¬
ment give the most solemn effect to a Papal Bull, and fastened it to
the Protestant King’s Crown for ever.

Henry had assumed the title of Supreme Head of the Church8 by
his own authority, at the time of its being acknowledged in Con¬
vocation, and some years before its establishment by statute
26 Hen. VIII. b

There were political reasons for assuming the title of Defender of
the Faith , by those undutiful children of the Holy Father, Edward the
sixth and Elizabeth, which perhaps would have led them to adopt the
name, if it had not been prepared for them by law. For they wished
to be held up to the rest of Europe as Defenders of the reformed
Church, and were pleased with the opportunity of declaring this to
all who might choose so to understand the Faith which they maintained
and defended.

The statute beforementioned of 35 Hen. VIII. was repealed under
Queen Mary, but was re-established by stat. 1 Eliz. c. 1. and under
this authority the matter has rested.0 The Kings of the Stuart family,
popish or protestant, were all equally Defenders of the Faith, and
William the Third as much so as James the Second, by Statute in that
case made and provided. James the first issued a proclamation in the
second year of his reign/ for declaring his royal title, in order to sink
the names of England and Scotland into that of Great Britain ; but

a See note (A) at the end. b Co. Lit. 7. b.

c 4 Co. Inst. 344. The author considers the subject in another point of view, that this
part of the act of Hen. VIII. was not repealed, but only the new treasons which it created.

d 20th Oct. 1604. See Book of Procl.

Of the King's Title of Defender' of the Faith. h

he made no other change : And none was made upon the subsequent
union under Queen Anne. When upon the Irish Union it was judged
expedient to reform the royal title, the sovereignty of France was
thought superfluous and discarded. But the Defence of the Faith,
though originating at Rome, seems to have been held too good a
thing to be parted with.

The Kings of France, as eldest sons of the Church, had obtained
their apostolical dignity much earlier. The title of Most Christian is
considered to have been appropriated to. them in the person of Lewis
the eleventh ;a a fine example to be held forth to the faithful, as the
most Christian King ; being one of the most odious wretches of a
very vicious generation. Our Henry indeed proved an ungrateful
child of the Holy See, but his character had nothing to disgrace the
donor at the time of the gift; and though he renounced the Pope,
he may be said to have defended the Catholick Faith to the last.

An examiner of more ancient history will find many instances
where the Kings both of France and England, did occasionally assume
titles similar to those which are now deemed peculiar to their several
descendants. According to Henault, Pepin had received the title of
Most Christian in A. D. 755, from the Pope, and Charles the Bald in
859 from a Council. Charles the sixth, in a charter of 1413 refers to

ancient usage for the name. He makes use of these words, “ -

nostrorum progenitorum imitatione - evangelicce veritatis - Defen-

sores. - nostra regia dignitas divino Christiana religionis titulo

gloriosius insignitur b -

Lewis the eleventh in that formal set of instructions for his son
which Comines has given at length,0 mentions the title of Tres Chretien ,
as acquired by the virtue, valour, and religious zeal of many of his
ancestors. Francis the first in his memorial against the Emperor,
derives it from the pious munificence of his ancestors , and the grateful
acknowledgments of the Holy See.d In the reign of Charles the

* Nouv. Tr. de Diplom. tom. vi. p. 82.

* Mem. tom. v. p. 37 6. edit. Godefroi.

b Ibid. p. 48.

11 Gamier Hist, de France, A.D. 1543,

Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith.

eighth, the diplomatick use of it in publick instruments became
regularly established. And it deserves to be remarked, (as if some¬
thing curious and inconsistent were always doomed to attend these
papal honours) that Pope Alexander the sixth endeavoured to deprive
him of the title, that he might confer it upon Ferdinand of Arragon.
But the Cardinals of the French party having remonstrated against
his design, the Pope complimented the King of Arragon with the title
of Most Catholick.a A favourite, indeed, full as worthy as he who
had planted this jewel in the crown of France, too deep to be plucked
away.b In a subsequent period Julius the second, when quarrelling
with Lewis the twelfth, threatened to pursue the same course, and
was actually preparing to transfer the title of Most Christian , from the
King of France to Henry the eighth, when death prevented him. c

The earliest introduction of such phrases into the acts of the
Kings of England, that has occurred to me, is of the reign of
Richard the second. His charter to the Chancellor of Oxford in the
19th year of his reign has these words : “Nos zelo fidei catholicae,
cujus sumus et erimus Deo dante Defensores, salubriter commoti.”
This zeal of the King was for the condemnation of Wickliffe’s Tria-
togus. <l The occasion of Charles the sixth’s charter beforementioned
was similar in kind : so that both these instruments may be called

theological. Henry the fourth of England in an instrument of the
\

a lb. tom. ii. p. 183. and Giannone, tom. iii. p. 5i6.

b If the reader desires to see all the historical authorities relating to this article of French
antiquity, he should read a learned tract by M. Bonamy, in the 29th volume of the Memoirs
of the Academy of Inscriptions, p. 268, to which is annexed a long list of quotations from their
publick acts, tending to prove that the title Christianissimus has been often given to the
Kings of France from the time of Pepin ; and generally and constantly from the time of
Lewis the Fat. It is not supposed to have been derived from any positive law or papal Bull.
The note (B) at the end of this essay shews instances in which the ancient Kings of England
have received it likewise. Selden in treating of this subject in his Titles of Honour, Part 1,
chap. v. considers it as originally intended by the Popes to mark an exclusion of paganism or
judaism, which that of Most Catholick in Spain signified against heresy ; of which he refers
to very ancient examples, even before the Saracen invasion.

c Guicciardini, lib. llrao. d Rym. F. tom. vii. p. 806.

Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith.

same character, it being for the punishment of Sorcerers and Witches,
uses a phrase like that of his predecessor.3 The writ de Haeretico
comburendo in his reign is in this style, viz. Zelator just ilia; el Fidei
catiiolicce cultor ; b in support whereof the Sheriff is commanded,
according to law divine and human to burn with fre, fc.

If according to the french authors the dignity of Tres Chretien
was considered to have belonged peculiarly to their sovereigns, this
will account for the more frequent appearance of the phrase in our
acts and instruments of state during the time of Henry VI. His
having been crowned in France with the usual ceremonies, may have
led to the current use of the title in his person. Its first application to
him that has occurred to me, is of the year 1432, in the opening of the
parliament/ and near the time of his french coronation. But it occurs
in a more remarkable instance in the year 1440, the 18th of his reign;
in a treaty with a prince of the blood of France.11 The Duke of
Orleans a prisoner here from the battle of Agincourt, in the articles for
his deliverance, is made to give Henry the title Christianissimus ;
and, more extraordinary, does not so describe his own King and
cousin. However at this period it is not found in common use among
the french acts of state.

But before this time Richard the second had described himself in
the same manner, in letters addressed to the Pope ; of which there
are two examples in Rymer (one a duplicate of the other, and sent at
a different time) wherein he styles himself Vester Jilius christianissimus. e
Yet Edward the third does not appear ever to have assumed the
title himself, or to have been so addressed or described in publick
acts. His royal style was not changed in this respect, after the
assumption of the title of France, which he was always anxious to
place first and foremost. But as the French Kings, after it became
common with them, did not take the addition in describing them-

* Pari. Ro. tom. iv. p. 388.

a Rym. F. tom. viii. p. 427.

Rym. F. tom. x. p.776.

b lb. p. 627.

e lb. tom. vii. p. 207, 361 .

Of the King's Title of Defender of the Faith .

selves, only requiring it in the third person, the abovementioned
style of Richard II. cannot be called french, or derived from the
forms of that court.

The authors of the Nouveau Traite de Diplomatique refer to one
example only of such form, which they take from Rymer’s collection."
It appears in the oath whereby Francis the first confirmed his treaty
with Henry VIII. in 1527 ;b but not in the instruments of the treaty
itself. The example is therefore an extraordinary one, and not so
properly a form of state as of religion.

There are some instruments in the Parliament Rolls of Henry the
sixth’s reign in which the King is styled in english Most Christian ,
and in latin Christianissimus. The first is of the 20th year in
the grant of a peerage. c Edward IV. followed this example; as
appears in his treaty with the Earl of Ross of the Isles, in the first
year of his reign, d and in a treaty with the King of Denmark in his
fifth year.6 In the former, in english, he is styled Most high and
Christian Prince , and most Christian King : In the other, in latin, Plus-
trissimus et Christianissimus Princeps. In his first parliament upon
assuming the crown, the Speaker addresses him as “ Most Christian
King,” and again in the 12th year.f

Hen. VII. likewise used this style, of which there is an instance
in his contract with the Abbot of Westminster for the foundation of
his chapel there, in his 19th year.8 This hard-hearted and unchris¬
tian prince was the last of our Kings who described himself as most
Christian. His son having obtained a more exalted name, as cham¬
pion of the Faith, from the father of the Church, had no occasion to
derive any honour of that sort from a borrowed crown.

Inconsistent as this popish heraldry appears on the crest of a pro-

a Vol. vi. 99.

b Rym. F. tom. xiv. p. 216. Nos Franciscus Dei gratid Francorum Rex Christianissirmis ,

; promittimus , &;c.

c Pari. Ro. vol. v. pp. 40, 45. d Rym. F. tom. xi. p. 484. 6 lb. 552.

f Pari, Ro. vol. v. 462. Ib. vi. p. 8. s See note (B) at the end of this essay.

Of the King s Title of Defender of the Faith.

testant King, there is high authority and example for the case. The
custom of styling every Roman Emperor Pontifex Maximus , i. e. High
Priest of the Gods, had become so fixed in their imperial state, that
the idolatrous phrase was continued for many generations, and even
centuries, after the empire became Christian, and after idolatry had
been declared a capital crime. It is equally extraordinary that a
modern Emperor should have assumed this inconsistent title. Yet
the fact is told of Maximilian I. in a book of the best authority.
Abb6 du Bos in his history of the League of Cambray relates, a that
when he formed the extravagant design of becoming Pope, he some¬
times described himself in his imperial style Pontifex Maximus. We
learn from Seldenb that the Emperors had from very early times been
styled Defensores Ecclesit: ; which he derives from their oath in the
formal inauguration, to he everlasting defenders of the Church of Rome.

a Liv. 2. A.D. 1510. b Tit. Hon. part 1. c. 5.

Note A referred to in p. 4.

Giannone has passed his censure on this high stretch of power exercised by our King. He
argues against it from the nature and principles of spiritual authority, as distinguished from
the temporal. Those who may have occasion to examine the subject should read Bishop
Ellys’s Tract upon it, and will also find instruction in the last chapter of the first book of
Giannone’s Istoria Civile di Napoli. This author shews that there is the same kind of error
in the papal claim of temporal authority, as derived Apostolico Jure ; citing a letter of St.
Bernard’s to the Pope, in which he tells him, alluding to St. Peter, “ nec enim ille tibi dare
quod non habebat potuit.”

But I find the measure to be of more ancient date than the reformation, or Henry the
eighth. The project of Maximilian to become Pope is well known 5 but he entertained
another ambition more dangerous to the Papacy. This was to get himself declared by a gene¬
ral Council Head of the Church, in quality of Chief of the Empire, and to unite the spiritual
and temporal powers, after the manner of the Roman Emperors. With this view he took
the title of Pontifex maximus. Du Bos who relates this, writes (a) that the learned Ockham,
our countryman, who fled from the Pope’s excommunication to the Emperor Lems V. of
Bavaria, (Emperor from the year 1322 to 1347, and likewise excommunicated by the Pope)

(a) Ligue de Camb. liv. 2.

VOL. XIX. C

Of the King's Title of D fender f the Faith.

had published a book in which this scheme is recommended to the Emperors, in order to for*
tify themselves against Papal usurpations. It does not appear that Lewis, though he deposed
the Pope and was able to maintain the imperial against the papal authority, put the design in
practice. But as Ockham’s writings, according to Sleidan, were much esteemed in Germany
and among the Ghibellines, it is very probable that Maximilian may have been encouraged by
them to make the attempt. Thus Henry the eighth’s conduct may have proceeded as much
from example, as from any fancy of his own. In Tanner’s Bibliotheca Britannica there is an
account of Ockham and his writings.

Note B referred to in pp. 6 and 8.

See N° 1498 of the Harleian Manuscripts. The learned writer of the first Harleian cata¬
logue, Mr. Wanley, who describes the article in which this instrument of Henry VII. is con¬
tained, adds a note upon the King’s use of the title, for the purpose of mentioning some
examples that he had found, both before the Conquest and after, in which it had been given
to Kings of England. His researches in english history were extensive.

T. Wikes in his Chronicle applies it to Henry the third in 1268, in the following words —
“ annuente Christianissimo Anglorum Rege.” Thomas Elmham and Titus Livius a Frulo-
visiis, writers of Henry the sixth’s time, apply it occasionally to him and Henry the fifth in
the same manner. But these examples Tarry no authority with them. If the title should be
found bestowed upon Kings of England in the Bulls of Popes, perhaps it would appear to have
been occasioned by peculiar circumstances : such, for instance, as their engaging in a Crusade,
or the like. Of this there is an example in the case of Edward the first, upon the expedition
proposed by him in 1291. The Pope on that occasion describes him as Christianissimus
Princeps Edwardus Anglice Rex. (a)

(n) Rym. F. tom. ii, p. 114. 514.

II. Copy of a Letter f rom Queen Elizabeth to K ing James the Sixth
of Scotland, in the possession of Mrs. Barker. Communicated
by the Rev. S. Weston, jB.D. F.R.S. and S.A.

Read 8th May, 1817.

My dear Brother,

The care of your estate, with feare of your neglect, so afflicts my
mind, as I may not overslip the sending you a noble man to sarve
you, for a memoriall of my readines, and desiar of your Spede. The
sledik dame who whan she is turned leaves no after step to witnes her
arrival save repentance, that beareth to sower a recorde of her short
abode, may make you so far awake that you have never cause throuwe
long discourtesy to loose the bettar knowledge of hidenst tressor.
One hour bredes a dayes gain to gilefull spirits, and gilty conscience
skils more to shift than ten wisar heds knowes how to win. Let the
anfild be striken while hit is warm, for if hit growe colde, the Gold¬
smith mars his worke, and the owner his Juels ; hit vexith me to se that
thos of whom the very bids of Scotland could, if the might speke truly,
tel how ther banners wer displaid again your pson who divers nights
did sentenel ther acts ; thos selfe same be but now bid to award who
long ago God wot aught so have smarted as you nede not now exa-
men ther treachery. All this I say not for any gaping for any man’s
bloud, God is witnes, but wische you savid wher ever the rest go; and
this, I must tel you, that if the lands of them that do deserve no brethe
wer made but yours (as ther owne acts have caused) you should be a
richer prince, and than abler of your owne to defend a King’s honor,
and your owne Life. Me thinks I frame this lettar like to a Lamen¬
tation wiche you wyl pardon whan the matter bids hit so. I cannot
but bewaile that any lewd unadvisid hedsick felow, a subject of myi\e,
should make his Soveraen be supposed of les gouvernement than mistres
of her word. I have never yet dishonered my tonge w‘ a leasing, not

c 2

Copy of a Letter from Queen Elizabeth.

to a menar person than a King, and wold be ashamed to desarve so
fowle an infamy. I vow I never Knewe but did forbid that ever be
should enter my territory that so boldly attemted your dores. You
knowe best what I writ for that, and he, as I heare, hath hard it so
much as hardly he wyl trust my hands to be his safe refuge. Yet you
knowe best what was offerd, and why he was not made more desperat.
If your long expected and never had as yet answer had not lingard,
I think he wold have gone far ynough or now. Let this suffice, be
your doinges as sounde as my profession staunche, and I warrant no
Spaniard nor ther King shal have ever footing so nere to you or me.
Trust I pray you never a Conquerar w‘ trust of his kindnes, nor never
raign precar io more whan you may rule regis regula. Now I do remem¬
ber your Cumbar to rede such skribled Lines, and pray the Almighty
to cover you safely under his bleased wings.

Y our most loving
Sistar

ELIZABETH R.

To our deare Brother the
Kyng of Scotts,

Delivered by the Ld Borrough
ye vi M’rche 1592.

<•

III. An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.
By Roger Wilbraham, Esq. F.B.S. and N.A. Commu¬
nicated in a Letter to Samuel Lysons, Esq. V.P. F.S.A.

Read 8th May, 1817-
Preliminary Observations.

Although a Glossary of the words peculiar to each County of
England seems as reasonable an object of curiosity as its History,
Antiquities, Climate, and various Productions, yet it has been gene¬
rally omitted by those Persons who have undertaken to write the
Histories of our different Counties. Now each of these Counties
have words, if not exclusively peculiar to that County, yet certainly
so to that part of the kingdom where it is situated, and some of those
words are highly beautiful and expressive; many of their phrases,
adages, and proverbs are well worth recording, and have occupied
the attention and engaged the pens of men distinguished for talents
and learning, among whom the name of Ray will naturally occur to
every person at all conversant with his mother tongue, his work oh
Proverbs and on the different Dialects of England being one of the
most popular ones in the English Language. But there is a still more
important benefit to be derived from this custom, were it practised to
its full extent in a publication comprising all the provincial Dialects
of England, as they would when united all together form the only
true and solid foundation for a work much wanted, a General Dic¬
tionary of the English Language.11

Far be it from me to attempt in the least to depreciate the won¬
derful powers displayed by Dr. Johnson in his Dictionary, although
it is now pretty well ascertained that he was himself much dissatisfied

a This deficiency will soon be supplied by the completion of a new edition of Johnson’s
Dictionary by the Rev. H. J. Todd, whereof ten Parts out of eleven are already published.
The whole form the most comprehensive and satisfactory Dictionary of the English
Language.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

with it; but as an Etymological Dictionary, it certainly has no claim
whatever to praise; for the learning of Dr. Johnson, extensive as it
was, yet did not embrace a knowledge of the Gothic, Teutonic, or
Anglo-saxon Languages, nor of the other various Northern Sources of
our Language; and moreover he seems to have had very little ac¬
quaintance with the old French or Norman Languages. By following
the traces of Junius and of Skinner, he has indeed, though not very
successfully, attempted to supply the former deficiency; but to remedy
the latter, namely, his ignorance of the old French Language, was
not so easy a task ; his own labour and industry in that branch of
learning being absolutely necessary, as there is scarcely a single
Lexicographer of the English Tongue, who, though aiming at Ety¬
mology, seems to have possessed a competent knowledge of the old
French Language.

Most of the leading terms in all our provincial Dialects, omitting*
those which are maimed and distorted by a coarse or vicious pronun¬
ciation, are not only Provincialisms but Archaisms also, and are to be
found in our old English authors of various descriptions ; but those
terms are now no longer in general use, and are only to be heard in
some remote province where they have lingered, though actually dead
to the Language in general.

^ Ut Silvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos

Prima cadunt, ita verborum vetus interit iEtas. Hor.

The truth of this observation of the poet is fully illustrated by an
example taken from this very Cheshire Dialect, there being several
words recorded by Ray as belonging to it, which are even now no
longer in use, at least as far as it could be ascertained by the investi¬
gations made by the writer of this; so that they have actually perished
since the time of Ray.

Provincial words accompanied by an explanation of the sense in
which each of them still continues to be used in the districts to w hich
they belong, would be of essential service in explaining many obscure
terms in our early poets, the true meaning of which, although it may

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

have puzzled and bewildered the most acute and learned of our Com¬
mentators, would perhaps be perfectly intelligible to a Devonshire,
Norfolk, or Cheshire Clown.

Some of our provincial Dialects, as the North Devon, Lancashire,
and a few others, are already in print, though in a very imperfect state,
but by far the greatest number of them, either have not yet been
collected, or if they have, exist solely in MS.

To bring these all together, as well those which have already
been published, as what might be collected from different MS. copies,
as well as from Individuals now living, is a most desirable object, and
would form a work eminently useful to any English Philologist who
might have the courage to undertake and the perseverance to accom¬
plish A General Dictionary of the English Language.

In a letter I formerly received from the late Jonathan Boucher,
Vicar of Epsom, (a gentleman, who, had he lived to execute his plan
of a General English Dictionary, would probably have rendered the
observations here made quite superfluous,) he mentions the great simi¬
larity in many instances between the Dialects of Norfolk and of Che¬
shire, though the same similarity does not subsist between either of
them and those of the interjacent Counties, and expresses his wish to
have some Reason given for this circumstance. His observation I
knew at that time to be well-founded, but I professed myself unable
to explain it ; however having since that time reflected a good deal
upon this singular circumstance, I will endeavour at least in some
measure to account for it.

The truth of the Observation made by the same learned Gentle¬
man, that all Provincialisms are also Archaisms, to those who are
well acquainted with our old English authors is too evident to stand
in need of an Illustration. Now the County Palatine of Chester,
having been in great measure a separate Jurisdiction till the days of
Queen Elizabeth, had very little intercourse with the neighbouring
Counties ; the principal Families of the County, and much more
those in a middle station of life, for the most part intermarried among
each other, and rarely made connections out of the County, a prac-

1 6 An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

tice which is recommended in an old Cheshire adage ; so that the
original customs and manners as well as the old Language of the
County have received less changes and innovations, than those of
most other parts of England.

The Inhabitants of Norfolk too, living in an almost secluded part
of England, surrounded on three sides of it by the Sea, having little
intercourse with the adjoining Counties have consequently retained in
great measure their ancient Customs, Manners, and Language,
unchanged by a mixture with those of their neighbours. Even at
this day in Norfolk a person born out of the County is called a Shire-
man or rather Sheerman, i. e. one born in some of the Shires or
Counties of England ; not without some little expression of contempt
on that very account. So that the two Languages of Cheshire and
Norfolk, having suffered less innovation from a mixture with others,
have also retained more of their originality, and consequently must
bear a closer resemblance to each other than what is observable be¬
tween most of the other Provincial Dialects of England.

Dr. Ash in his English Dictionary has admitted many words
which belong to the Cheshire Dialect ; these he has evidently taken
from Ray’s Proverbs; others he marks as obsolete or as local. With
regard to those called by him obsolete, it is apprehended, if they are
still in use in any part of England, the term obsolete is improper.
Of those which he calls local he does not specify their precise locality,
so that the reader is left at liberty to assign them to whatever dis¬
trict of England he pleases. He has some Cheshire words also to
which he has attributed a different meaning from what they now bear
in the County. These three last descriptions of words, namely those
Dr. Ash marks as local, those called by him obsolete, and those to
which he has given a different sense from what they now convey,
have all a place in this imperfect Glossary.

A few words are likewise admitted on the sole authority of Ray,
though some of them never occurred to the Compiler of this Cata¬
logue, whose communications in different parts of the County have
since his early days been very slight and merely occasional.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

The very great resemblance of the Dialects of Cheshire and of
Lancashire may be observed by the frequent repetition of the Abbre¬
viation Lan. in this Glossary.

One peculiarity in the English Language is to change, if I may
not say soften the pronunciation of many words in the middle of
which is the letter L preceded by either of the consonants A or O.
Thus in common discourse we pronounce Bawk for Balk, Caaf for
Calf, Haaf for Half, Wawk for Walk, Tawk for Talk, Foke for
Folk, Stawk for Stalk, and St. Awbans for St. Albans ; but in the
Cheshire Dialect as in all the other Northern ones this custom as well
as the practice of substituting the o for the a and the double ee for
the igh is still more, thus we call

All . aw

Always . awways

Alsager
Altrincham
Alvanley

Bold .

Calf .

Call .

Can .

Cold .

Colt .

Fold .

Gold .... _

False .

Fowl, dirty . . . .

Fool .

Full .

Fine .

Hold .

Holt .

Half .

Halfpenny .

Hall . . . .

Long . . . .

. . . lung

Man .

Moldy . . .

Many . . .

Manner . .

Might . . .

Mold ....

. . mowd

Pull ....

Soft .

Bright . . .

Scald ....

Stool ....

Right . . .

Fine ....

Twine . . .

Flight . . .

Lane ....

Mol .

Sight ....

Sit .

Suck ....

r ( Auger

names ol ) . f ,

, < Autrmcham

P‘aces Uwvanley

VOL. XIX.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

The following Abbreviations have been adopted :
Lancashire - - - Lan.

Junius, Etymologicon Anglicanum - - Jun.

Skinner, Etymologicon Ling. Angl. - - Skin.

Wachter, Glossarium Germanum - Wach.

Ihre, Glossarium Suiogothicum - - Ihre

Kilian, Etymologicon Linguae Teotiscae - - Kil.

Somner, Dictionarium Saxo-Latino-Anglicum - Som.

Jamieson, Scotch Dictionary - - - Jam.

Law Latin Dictionary - - - - L. L. D.

Nyerup, Glossarium Linguae Teotiscae - - Nye

Promptorium parvulorum Clericorum - - P. P. C.

Ortus Yocabulorum - - - Ort. Voc.

Ray’s Proverbs - Ray.

Grose’s Provincial Glossary - - G. P. Gl.

Ash’s Dictionary ... - Ash.

Palsgrave, L’Ecclaircissement de la langue Francaise Pal.
Hormanni Vulgaria - - - - H. V.

Littleton’s Dictionary - - Litt. D.

Benson’s Anglo-saxon Dictionary - - - Ben.

Shakespeare - - Shak.

Old Word - - - - O. W.

Preposition - - Prep.

Verb - - - - V.

Participle - - Part.

Substantive - - - - - S.

Adverb - - Ad.

Adjective ------ Adj.

Anglo-saxon - - - - - A. S.

Achorn, or rather Aitchorn, s. to go aitchorning is to go gathering
Acorns. The Pigs are gone o’ aitchorning.

Ackersprit, adj. said of Potatoes, when the roots germinate before

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

the time of gathering them, and consequently are of little value.
Corn and particularly Barley, which has germinated before it is
malted, is said by the Malsters in the eastern Counties of England
to be acrespired or eagerspired, i. e. early grown.

Ackerspyre, to sprout, to germinate. Jam.

Agate, adverbial expression, means not only a person up and recovered
from a sick bed, but also one that is employed ; he is agate marling
or ploughing.

Aitch, Aitches, s. so pronounced ; ache, aches, pain, pains. It is
also used for a paroxysm in an intermitting Disorder. This seems
to be the same word in an extended sense. A. S. Ace, dolor; pain,
ach. Som.

Agoe, s. Ague.

Anainst, prep, opposite, over against. O. W. Chaucer.

Aneend, adv. upright, not lying down, on one end ; when applied to a
four-footed animal it means rearing or what the Heralds call ram¬
pant. It is always pronounced aneend, and possibly should be writ¬
ten on eend. Aneend means also perpetua y, evermore.

Antrims, s. whims, vagaries, peevishness ; the same as Tanterums or
Anticks. Anticks however is common.

At after, adv. afterwards.

Bacco, s. Tobacco. Lan.

Bagging-Time, s. Lan. the time of the afternoon Luncheon.

Baith, adj. both.

Bandy-Hewit, s . a little bandy-legged Dog, a Turn spit. Of Hewit 1
can make nothing unless it be a corruption of Keout, which itself
is probably derived from Skout. See in voce Keout, Lan. where a
different explanation of it is given.

Bain, adj. near, convenient; common in the North. Jamieson derives
it from the Islandic been-a expedire.

Ballow, v. to select or claim. It is used by boys at play, when they

d 2

<90 An Attempt at a Glossary of' some Words used in Cheshire.

select a goal or a companion of their game. I hallow, or hallow me
that situation, or that person.

Batch, s. besides the common sense of a general baking, implies the
whole of the wheat flour which is used for making common house¬
hold bread, after the bran alone has been separated from it.

Batt, v. to wink or move the eye lids up and down ; to bate is a Term
of falconry, when the Falcon beats his wings in this manner.

Bawm, v. to prepare, dress or adorn. At Appleton in Cheshire it is the
custom at the time of the wake to clip and adorn an old Hawthorn
which stands in the Town. This Ceremony is called the Bawming
of Appleton Thorn. I am inclined to think the word should be
bouning. To boun is an old North Country word meaning to pre¬
pare or make ready. Bo, Boa, is the Sui. Got. for to prepare ; Ihre.
Bwa is Islandic for the same.

Bawson, or Bawsin, s. a Badger. Skinner derives it fantastically
enough from Beau Sein, &c. &c. Bawsand, Bassant, or Bawsint
in Jam. is a term applied to a horse or cow having a white
spot in the forehead or face, which is exactly the case of the
Badger, and seems a more appropriate Etymology of the word,
which on that account alone (it being in Johnson) has a place here.

Bedeet, part, or adj. dirtied, seems to come from the Scotch word
Bedyit dipped, and that from the A. S. word Deag-an tingere, ira-
buere. See Jamieson. To deet is to dirty.

Been, or bin, is the plural of the present tense of the verb to be. Lan.

Beet the fire; to light, or, as we say, to make the fire : from boeten bet
vier, struere ignem. Kil.

Berry, s. a Gooseberry.

Bidding, s. an invitation to a funeral is so termed.

Bight, a projection in a river, a projecting or receding Corner, it
is commonly used in Sea voyages. The Bight of Benin on the Coast
of Africa. It is an O. W. for the elbow. A. S. bygan, flectere. Som.

Bing, v. to begin to turn sour, said of milk.

Bir, Birre, Ber, Burre, s. impetus ; to take birr is to run with violence

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

as a person does before taking a great leap. See the Glossary to
Wicliffe’s New Testament by Lewis, Matt. 8. “ and lo in a great bire
al the Drove (of Swine) went heed-lyng into the Sea/’ See also
Apoc. c. 18. Bir, ventus secundus. Hickes’s Island. Diet. See also
Douglas’s Glossary. From the same source is derived what is called
the bore or eager in a tide-river.

Bobber, adj. bobberous the same word, sawey, pert. Bob, or dry bob
is an old word for a merry joke or trick. Dobson’s Drybobs is the
title of a merry Story Book, we still use the phrase to bear a bob,
or bobbish, for pretty well, in familiar Discourse.

Boke, v. to poke, or thrust out. Lan.

Boosy Pasture, s. the pasture which lies contiguous to the Cow Stall
or Boose.

Booty-house, s. is an expression used by Children for an old Box or
Shelf, or any place ornamented with bits of glass or broken earthen
ware in imitation of an ornamented Cabinet, probably a corruption
of Beauty.

Boss, s. a hassock to kneel upon in Church, by Grose erroneously, as
l apprehend, called a Doss or Poss.

Bout, adv. or prep, without; “ Better bad than Bout,’ as I heard a
woman say when urged to quit a bad Husband. See Jam. under
But and Ben, the outside and inside of a House.

Bracco, or Braccow, used only when compounded with another word,
as work-bracco, diligent, laborious. Ray.

Bread (pronounced long) breadth or extent; there is a great bread
of corn this year, i. e. a greater extent of land than usual, sown

with corn this year.

Bricko, adj. brittle. Brica, ruptor, A. S. Som.

Brid, s. bird, O. W. Wicliffe’s New Testament. P. P. C.

Brief, adj. Rife, prevalent; said chiefly of disorders. Agues been
brief. Agues are common,

Brimming, adj. or part. Lan, A Sow is said to be brimming when
maris appetens. A. S. Bremeud, mugiens, fervens. Som.

22 An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Oale, or Kale, s. turn, chance, perhaps only call. It is used by
Persons doing any thing by rotation. It is my cale now. Kele, Lan.

Cant, adj. strong, lusty. Ash calls it local.

Capo, s. a working horse, Ray. Corrupted from Capyl or Capel, O.W.
or Ceffyl, Welsh.

Carve, or Kerve, v. to grow sour : local according to Ash.

Cauf-kit, or Crib, s. a place to put a sucking calf in. A. S Crybbe,
praesepe, Som.

Chem, or Tchem, s. team, a team of horses, a team of wild ducks.
Sonnier talks of a team of young pigs.

Childer, s. Children, Lan. The Ang. Sax. plural termination.

Chimly, or rather Chimbley, s. Lan. the chimney.

Chunner, v. to grumble: a chunnering ill-conditioned fellow. Ceonian
obmurmurare, Ben.

Clap, v. to squat, to take her seat as a hare does ; from the French, se
clapper, se tapir, se cacher dans un trou.

Claver, s. idle talk ; Scotch, Jam. Claffer is German for garrulus.

Clem, v. clem d part, Lan. starved with hunger. Ash calls it local.

Clots, or Clouts, s. Burdock, Teut. Clotte, so says Skinner.

Clussum’d, adj. clumsy, Lan. according to Ray, but it means more,
if e. a hand benumbed with cold, and so far clumsy ; perhaps a cor¬
ruption of closened.

Cob, v. to throw, Lan.

Goggle, Keggle, Kickle, Tickle, adj. easily moved, all I believe the
same word.

Collow, v. to blacken, to colour, to make black with a cole. Char-
bonner. Pal.

Commin, s. the common, waste land.

Conny, or Canny are used as brisk, lively. In all the dead Northern
Languages their Etymology may be found.

Cooth, s. a cold. Coth. A. S. morbus, valetudo, Som.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some IV ords used in Cheshire.

Cotter, v. to mend, repair, or assist with little effect.

Cowlick, s. is that part of a cow’s hide where the hairs of it having
different directions meet, and form a projecting ridge of hair. This
is believed to be produced from the cow licking herself. The same
term is used when the same thing occurs in the human head.

Cow-Shorn, or Sharn, as in Lan. s. the leavings of the cow. In Cum¬
berland, according to Grose, it is Cow-skam. Dung, in Teutonic,
is Sharn; in Suio Got. Skarn, and a Shar Bud is an O. W. for a
beetle, rather called so from continually living under horse or cow
dung, than for its being found under shards or broken earthen-ware.
A. S. Sccarn, Fimus, Stercus, Cow-dung, Som.

Cradant and Cradantly, s. and adv. Crassant and Crassantly, which two
last words are admitted on the sole authority of Ray, coward, coward¬
ly ; to set cradants among boys is to do something hazardous, to take
any desperate leap which cradants dare not undertake after you.

Creem, v. the same as teem, to pour ; also to put slyly into one’s hand.
Ash calls it local.

Crewdle or Croodle, v. to crouch together like frightened chickens.

Crewdling, s. a dull stupid person, a slow mover.

Crope and Croppen, v. and part, perfect tense and participle of the
verb to creep, Lan.

Currake, s. cowrake, used to clean the cow-house from filth.

Daddle, v. to walk with short steps, Lan. much the same as dawdle.
See Jam.

Dagg, v. to moisten or wet the feet or lower clothing, Lan. generally
used to females who wear petticoats. Dagg is an O. W. for dew.
In Norfolk a shower of rain is called a Dagg for the turnips.
Johnson calls it a low word, it is however in common use in
Cheshire and elsewhere: daggle-tailed is also common- A. S.
dcaghan, tingere.

Dander, v. to wander about. It is also used for to ramble in conver-

24 An Attempt at a Glossary of soyne Words used in Cheshire.

sation, to talk incoherently. Jam. explains one of its meanings, to
bewilder oneself on a way, generally including the idea of want of
attention, or of stupidity.

Dandy Cock or Hen, are Bantam fowls.

V 7

Dangerly, adv. possibly, by chance.

Deaf, adj. a nut without a kernel is said to be deaf.

Deavely, or Deafly, adj. lonely, retired, a deavely place.

Demath, s. a daymath or a days mowing for one man, generally used
for a statute acre, but erroneously so, for it is properly one-half of
a Cheshire acre, which is to the statute acre as 64 to 30i, conse¬
quently the Demath bears the proportion of 32 to 30i to the sta¬
tute acre.

Diddy, 5. the female breast with milk in it. It is used also for the
milk itselt } to give the child some Diddy is to give it some milk
Dig, or Digg, s. a duck.

Di thing, 5. a trembling or vibratory motion of the eye, from dither or
didder.

Doe, v. pronounced as the female deer is, to live or fatten on little
food. It is generally used to cattle. Scotch, Jam. A Cheshire adage
says, “ hanged hay never does cattle, ” bought hay, which has been
weighed in the scales is not economical. I believe it to be only an
extended sense of the verb to do, i. e. to do well.

Doesom, adj. healthy, thriving upon little, Lan.

Diep, adj. long in continuance, tedious, abundant in measure, more
than it appears to be. A dree rain is a close thick small rain,
line has draella, stillare, unde aliquid crebro decidit. Sui. Got.
Drumbow, or Drumble, 5. a dingle or ravin, generally with trees in it.
Dungow-dash, dung, filth. When the clouds threaten hail or rain,
it is said, there is a deal of dungo-dash to come down.

Dunnock, s. the hedge sparrow ; from the very dark or dusky appear¬
ance of that bird. Dun was antiently a dark colour, very different
from what is now called a dun colour. See Shakspeare, passim.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire .

Earn, or Eem, v. to spare time, to have leisure. Lan. I connoh earn
now. A.S. aemtan, quies, otium, tempus, rest, leisure, spare time. Som.

Easings of a house, s. the eaves. Lan.

Eaver, or Eever, s. quarter of the heavens. The wind is in the rainy
eaver. The Scotch use in this sense Art, Arth, Airt, or Airth. Jam.

Elder, s. the udder of a cow. Lan. See Skinner, Belgice elder.

Eller, s. the elder tree.

Eshin, or Ashin, a pail. They are I believe always made of ash wood.

Ess, or Esse, s. Ashes, or the place under the grate to receive them in.

Expect, v. to suppose, believe, or prognosticate ; rather an extended
sense of the word.

FantomeCornis lightCorn. Fantome Hay, light well gotten Hay. North.

Farand, or Farrand, s. manner, custom, appearance. O. W. we have
old farand : farantly : to do things in the right or wrong farand.

Farantly, adj. or as usually pronounced, farancly or farincly, is sup¬
posed to be composed of the two words fair and clean, but it is
simply the adjective of farand, and means clean, decent, orderly.
In Scotland well or ill-farand are used for well and ill-looking, to
fare is there also to go, and a farand-man is a traveller or stranger.
Jam. In P. P. C. we read, comly or well farynge in shape ; elegans.
In Hormanni Vulgaria we have, he looked unfaringly, aspectu fuit
incomposito.

Farther, expressive of repugnance ; I will be farther if I do that,
means, I will never do it.

Faugh, s. fallow; an abbreviation of the word.

Fay, or Faigh, s. the soil before you reach the marl. To fay, is to
remove it ; in other parts of England to fie is to cleanse a ditch or
pond. Fowings, emundacio in P. P. C.

Fend, v. to work hard, to struggle with difficulties. In hard times we
must fend to live. Lan.

VOL. xix.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some IV irds used in Cheshire.

Fettle, s. order, good repair.

Fettle, v. to repair, or put in order; a different sense from that of
Johnson.

Few, v. flew, perfect tense of the verb to fly.

Few, adj. is not only a small number but also a little quantity, a few
broth. Fea, A. S. pauci, Som.

Flange, v. or flange out, to spread, diverge, to increase in width or
breadth.

Flash, or Plash, s. a shallow piece of water.

Flasker, v. to choke or stifle; a person lying in the mud and unable to
extricate himself, is said to be flaskered. In Lan. it bears a dif¬
ferent sense.

Flatter Dock, or Batter Dock, pond weed, or potomogeton.

Flee, s. a fly.

Fleetings, or Flittings, or Fleetmilk, s. part of the refuse milk in the
process of cheese making. Belg. Vlot melch. Skinner. In P. P. C.
Flet of mylk or other like, despumatus.

Fleck, Flick, Fleg, Flegge, Flig, v. to fly, A. S. fleog-an, to fly. Ben.

Flig, or Fligge, adj. spoken of young full fledged birds. Flygge
plumea, Pal. Fligge as bird, maturus, P. P. C.

Flough, pronounced gutturally ; a flea. In Lan. Fleigh.

Fretten, part, rubbed, marked, O. W. used chiefly in pock-fretten.

I^rim, adj. tender or brittle. Lan.

Frowart, or Fro warts, adv. forward.

Forthink, v. to repent. O. W Chaucer. Piers Ploughman. Jam.

Forthought, s. repentance. Forethought is forecast or prospective
wisdom ; but our word has quite a different sense, signifying priva¬
tion, as in forget, forgo (as it ought to be written and not as it
generally is forego) ; the pronunciation of Forthought is very dif¬
ferent from that of forethought.

Gee, v. to fit, sute, or agree together. Lan. from the O. W. to gee or to
gie, to go.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire .

Gell, s. a great deal.

Gheeten, part, gotten.

Giller or rather Guiller, s. several horse hairs twisted together to
compose a fishing line.

Gil-hooter, s. an owl.

Gird, s. and v. a push, to push as a bull does. Shak. Ash calls it a
twitch, a pang, but I apprehend wrong. Gyrd perce or strike
thorow with a speare or weapon, Pal. Johnson gives it a different
sense from what it bears in Cheshire.

Globed to, part, wedded to, foolishly fond of. Ray alone from Glop,
fatuus, Ihre.

Gloppen, v. to astonish, or stupify : from Glop also.

Gliff, s. a glimpse.

Golding, s. a marygold.

Good, s. property of any kind.

Goody, s. Goodwife ; a kind of familiar address or title given to wo¬
men rather in an inferior station of life. It grows much out of use.

Gradely, Greadly, Graidly, adj. decent, orderly, good sort of man,
thriving honestly in the world ; gradus, latin, or to gree. O. W.
for agree.

Guill, v. to dazzle.

Gueout, s. the Gout ; it is also a soft spungy part of a field, full of
springs, a defective place, perhaps used in a figurative sense.

Gull, s. a naked gull, so are called all nestling birds in quite an un¬
fledged state. They have always a yellowish cast, and the word
is I believe derived from the Ang. Sax. geole, or the Sui. Got. gul,
yellow. Som. and Ihre. The Commentators, not aware of the mean¬
ing of the term naked gull, blunder in their attempt to explain
those lines of Shakespear in Timon of Athens,

Lord Timon will be left a naked Gull,

Which flashes now a Phoenix.

Hagg ; to work by the Hagg is to work by the great, in contradistinc¬
tion to day-work. Day-labour is pretty much fixed, but to work

«8 An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

by the Great or by the Job must be subject to a bargain, i. e. to
a Hagg or Haggle, the usual consequence of bargaining.

Haigh, or hay, v. to have. Lan.

Halow, or hailow, adj. Lan. awkwardly bashful, or shy, from the
A. S. hwyl, bashful. Lan. healow.

Hantle, or handtle, s. a handful. Jamieson rightly explains this word, as
it is commonly used in Scotland, by a great quantity ; but the doubt
which he expresses of its being derived from handful, when we
state that the two similar words of piggintle and noggintle are in
constant use in this County, is wholly done away.

Hattie, adj. wild, skittish. Ash calls it local.

Haviours, s. behaviour, to be on ones haviours is to be on ones good
behaviour. Jam. uses havins, or havings, in the same sense.

Hidlands, s. concealment. When a Person keeps out of the way from
the fear of being arrested, he is said to be in hidlands.

Hilling, or heeling, s. the covering of a book, the quilt or blanket.
Lan. to hill, or hilling. It is a good O. W. used by Wicliffe in his
translation of the New Testament, but I never heard it used in
common conversation, except in Lancashire and Cheshire.

Hinge, adj. active, supple.

Hobbity Hoy, an awkward stripling between Man and Boy. Tusser
calls it Hobart de Hoigh. I believe it to be simply Hobby the Hoy¬
den, or Robert the Hoyden. The word Hoyden is by no means
conhned to the female sex ; antiently indeed it is believed to have
been confined to the male sex, meaning a rude ill-behaved person.
See Todd’s Diet, in voce Hoiden.

Hog, or Hogg, s. a heap of Potatoes of either a conical or roof-shaped
form, probably so called from its resemblance to a Hog’s Back.
It is always covered within with straw and earth to preserve them
from the frost, the usual mode in Cheshire.

Hogg, v. to put up Potatoes in this way.

Hure, s. the hair. Lan.

Hoo, or rather oo, j won. She. This word which is in common use in
the Counties ol Chester and Lancaster, is merely the An. Sax. Heo.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

See Lagamon of Ernley’s translation of W ace’s Brut, Robert of
Gloucester’s Chronicle passim, and Somner.

Hurry, s. a bout, a set to, a scolding, a quarrel.

Jack Nicker, s. a Gold Finch, why so called I cannot conjecture.
It is particular however to oberve the appropriation of Christian
Names to many kind of Birds. Thus all little Birds are by Children
called Dicky Birds. We have Jack Snipe, Jack Daw, Tom Tit, Ro¬
bin Redbreast, Poll Parrot, a Gill-hooter; a Magpie is always called
Madge, a Starling Jacob, a Sparrow Philip, and a Raven Ralph.

Jack Sharp, or Sharpling, s. a small fish called a Stickle Back.

Jag, or Jagg, s. a parcel, a small load of hay or corn. In Norfolk it
is called a Bargain.

Jersey, or rather Jaysey, a ludicrous and contemptuous term for a
lank head of hair, as resembling combed wool or flax, which is
called Jersey. He has got a fine Jaysey.

Insense, v. to instruct, to inform ; to lay open a business to any one
is to insense him.

Intack, s. an inclosure on a common, waste, or forest.

Jurnut, or Yernut, s. a pignut, Bunium Bulbocastanum.

Kale. See in voce Cale.

Kailyards, or rather Kelyards, the name of certain orchards in the
city of Chester. Kailyard in Scotch is a Kitchen Garden. Jam.

Kazardly, adj. Lan. unlucky, liable to accident : perhaps a corruption
of hazardly.

Keck, v. to put any thing under a vessel to make it stand uneven.
In Lancashire Keyke or Kyke, is to stand crooked. Keck, v. is
usually to heave at the stomach.

Keeve, v. to overturn, or lift up a cart so as to unload it all at once.
Ash calls it local.

Kench, s. a twist or wrench, a strain or sprain.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Keout, s. a little barking cur-dog. Randle Holme uses Skaut or
Kaut for the same, which seems to designate Scout for its etymo¬
logy, and this is partly confirmed by that line of Tusser —

Make Bandog thy Scout-watch to bark at a Thief.

Kerve, v. to turn sour.

Kid-crow, or Kid-crew, s. a place to put a Sucking-Calf in.

Kind, v. to kindle the fire.

Kitling, s. a kitten. Ash says it is not common. It is Scotch, Jam.
Kytlinge, Catellus, P. P. C.

Kiver, v. and s. used by Wicliffe in his MS. translation of the Psalms.

Knocker-knee’d, adj. said of those knees which in action strike
against each other. It is usually called Baker-knee’d.

Knotchelled or notchelled, adj. or part. When a man publicly de¬
clares he will not pay any of his wife’s debts, which have been con¬
tracted since some fixed day, she is said to be knotchelled, a
certain disgraceful imaginary mark. Lan.

Lat, s. a Lath, Lan.

Lat, adj. Lat, Lattance, s. hindrance, lat, v. to hinder. Jam. has lat-
tance as well as to lat, v. to hinder. Ang. Sax. lat-an, to hinder.

Lathe, v. to ask, to invite, O. W. Lan.

, Laws you now, exclamation. See you now, used as Lo ! The An. Sax.
is La.

Leet, v. to let, also to light with a person, or meet him.

Leet, leeten, v. to pretend or feign. You are not so ill as you leeten
yourself, as you suffer yourself to appear. In Jam. Scotch Dic¬
tionary we read to leit, leet, let, to pretend to give, to make a shew
of. Junius assigns laeten, Belg. for its origin.

Licksome, or Lissome, adj. lightsome, pleasant, agreeable. Lissome
often means active, agile, the same as hinge.

Light, s. a little. A farmer after enumerating the number of acres he
has in wheat and barley, will often add, and a light wuts, i. e. a
little oats.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Lipp’n, v. to lippen, to expect. A. Sax. Leaf-an credere.

Lithe, v. to lithe the pot is to put thickenings into it.

Lither, adj. Lan. idle, lazy ; long and lither is said of a tall idle per¬
son. Ash calls it obsolete A. S. lith, mollis, lenis. Chaucer uses
it as wicked.

Lithing, or Lithings, s. thickening for the pot, either flour or oatmeal
Lyder, Islandic, to alye, is an O. W. for to mix.

Litigious, adj. I have heard weather that impeded the harvest so
called, but believe it is only a cant term, and not a true county
word.

Locked, part, a faced card in a pack is said to be locked.

Loom, s. a utensil, a tool, a piece of furniture. Som. says Geloma,
utensilia, supellex, utensils, things of frequent necessary use, house¬
hold stuff*. Belgis eodem sensu alaem alem. Hinc jurisperitorum
nostrorum heir lome, pro supellectili haereditaria.

Lop, loppen, perfect tense and participle of the verb to leap.

Lorjus, an exclamation. Lord Jesus.

Luck, v. to happen by good fortune. If I had lucked.

Lungeous, adj. ill tempered, disposed to do some bodily harm by a
blow or otherwise. Allonger, French, to lunge. A lunge is com¬
mon for a violent kick of a horse, though Dr. Ash has omitted it.

Madpash, s. a madbrain. Pash is the head. See Jam.

Maigh, or may, v. Lan. to make. Maigh th’ Dur or th’ Yate, shut or
fasten them, perhaps an abbreviation of make fast.

Marefart, s. the name of the yellow Ragwort.

Masker, v. the same as Flasker. Jam. has to mask, to catch in a net.

Maw-bound, s. said of a cow in a state of costiveness. Maw is the
stomach.

Mawks, s. a dirty figure, or mixture. Ash calls it colloquial.

Meal, s. the appointed time when a cow is milked. She gives so much
at a meal. A. S. Mael, portio aut Spatium temporis, Som.

Measter, s. Master.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Melch, adj. mild, soft; perhaps from milk, either through the medium
of the A. S. meolc or the Belgic melk. Lan.

Mich, adj. Michness, s. Scotch. Jam. mich of a michness, much the
same.

Mickles, s. size. He is of no mickles ; he is of no size or height.

Mid-feather, s. is a narrow ridge of land left between two pits, usually
between an old marl-pit and a narrow one which lie contiguous to
each other.

Mizzick, s. mizzicky, adj. a boggy place. Johnson has mizzy.

Mizzle, s. small rain. Dr. Ash admits the verb to mizzle, but rejects
the substantive.

Mot, s. mote, generally that which surrounds an antient country
seat.

Mortacious, adj. mortal, mortacious bad.

Muckinder, s. a dirty napkin or pocket-handkerchief. In Ort. Voc.
we have Muckeder, mete cloth or towel. Littleton has muckinger.

Much, s. a wonder, an extraordinary thing. It is much if such a
thing happen.

Mun, must.

Muncorn, blencorn, s. maslin, wheat and rye mixed together as they
grow, quasi, mungril corn. Mungril is mixed. See Minshew.

Mysell, pron. so pronounced, myself.

» N.

Naar or Nar, nearer. Littleton has narr for nearer.

Natter’d, adj. natured, i. e. ill-natured, very nattered is very ill-
tempered. Knattle in Lan. is cross, ill-natured.

Neest, s. Nest. The boys say to go birds neezing.

Neese, v. to sneeze.

Neezle, v. to nestle, to settle oneself in a good situation.

Nobbut, none but. Who was there? Nobbut John.

Noggintle, a Nogginful.

Nogging, s. the filling up the interstice between the timberwork in
a wooden building with sticks and clay is called the nogging.

Noint, v. to anoint; figuratively, to beat severely.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some JVords used in Cheshire.

Nought, or Naught, adj. Lan. bad, worthless, stark nought, good for
nothing.

Nought, naught; to call to naught, to abuse very much. To call to
naught, is in Hor. Vul. p. 134, in tergo.

On, adv. a female of any kind who is maris appetens is said to be on.

Onliest, adj. pronounced ownliest, superlative of only, the best or
most approved way of doing any thing is said to be the onliest way.

Oss, or Osse, v. Lan. to offer, begin, attempt, or set about any thing,
to be going away. Ash calls it local. Holland in his translation of
Plutarch has “ Osses and Presages,” where I suppose by Osses he
means beginnings or attempts ; to osse is likewise to recommend a
person to assist you.

Ownder, or Aunder, s. the afternoon. Undern is used by Chaucer.

Owether, either. O. W. Piers Ploughman, Whitaker’s Edition.

Owler, s. the alder tree. Allar and Eller are Scotch. Jam.

Pewit Land, s. moist, spungy land ; such as the Pewit usually fre¬
quents.

Piggintle, s. a pigginful .

Pilpit, Pulpit. A Cheshire Farmer, on being asked how he liked the
new Clergyman, replied, He is a pretty rough man in the reading
desk, but when he gets into the pilpit, he goes off like the smoke
of a ladle.

Pink, or Penk, s. a menow, a small fish. Littleton has Penk.

Pip, or Peep, £. a single Blossom, where flowers grow in Bunches, (as
in the Auricula) hence a spot on the cards is called a pip, fiori in
Italian being the name of one of the suits of cards.

Pipe, s. a small Dingle or Ravin, breaking out from a larger one.

Plat, s. a small bridge over a stream or gutter, probably from flat.

VOL XIX.

34 An Attempt at a Glossary of some IV ords used in Cheshire.

Plim, v. to plumb or fathom with a plummet.

Plim, adj. or adv. perpendicular.

Poller, or Powler, v. properly to beat in the water with a pole ; figu¬
ratively, to labour without effect.

Poppilary, or Peppilary, s. the poplar tree.

Poss, v. to poss is a jocular punishment common among marlers when
any one comes late to work in the morning, he is held across a horse
with his posteriors exposed, and struck on them with the flat side of
a spade by the head workman, called the Lord of the marl pit.

Pote, or Pawt, v. Lan. to kick with one foot. Jam. has to paut. Belgice,
poteren. Jun.

Powse, Pous, or Poust, s. Lan. filth, dirt ; perhaps from the French
poussiere, dust. See Skinner in voce Poust, also Piers Ploughman.

Prove, v. to prove pregnant, spoken of cattle.

Quick, s. Quickset. Quicks are plants of Quicksets.

Radling, s. Lan. a long stick or rod, either from a staked hedge,
or from a barn-wall made with long sticks twisted together and
plaistered with clay. See Ellis’s Specimens of early English Poetry,
Vol. i. p. 318. “ Radyll of a Carte, Costee,” Pal. Quaere if not a

rodling? Raddles are hurdles.

Rake up the fire, is not only to rake the bottom of the grate, but
also to supply it well with coals, that it may continue burning all
night, a custom regularly observed by the Kitchen maid to the
Kitchen fire in all the northen counties, where coals are abundant.

Rame, Ream, or Rawm, v. to stretch out the arm as if to reach any
thing, from raemen extendere. Kil.

Rappit, a Rabbet.

Rappit it, or rot it, a trivial exclamation expressing dissatisfaction.

Rase-brained, adj. violent, impetuous, perhaps only rash-brained,
though rasend in German is mad.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some IV ords used in Cheshire.

Raught, perfect tense of the verb to reach ; used by Shakspeare.

Ready, v. to comb the head with the wide-toothed comb. Jam. has
to red the head or the hair, to loosen or disentangle it.

Reean, s. Lan. a small gutter. A. S. Rin, a Stream. Som.

Reef, s. a rash on the skin : the itch or any eruptive disorder : from
its being Rife or reef, i. e. frequent on the skin.

Render, v. Lan. to separate or disperse. It is commonly used as in the
phrase, to render Suet, which is to break it to pieces, cleanse it, and
melt it down. See Jam. in voce rind. Islan. raenn-a, rinde, lique-
facere, to melt.

Rid, v. in the sense, get rid of. It is used to clear a hedge or bushes on
a piece of land, chiefly to rid gorse.

Riner, s. a toucher. It is used at the game of Quoits. A Riner is
when the Quoit touches the peg or mark. A whaver is when
it rests upon the peg, and hangs over, and consequently wins
the cast. To shed Riners with a whaver is a proverbial expression,
from Ray, and means to surpass any thing skilful or adroit by some¬
thing still more so. Rinda Ost. Got. Ihre — rennen, tangere ; Wach.

Rise, or Rice, s. a twig, a branch. O. W. Chaucer. In our county it is
still retained in the compound, Pea- Rise for Pea-Sticks. Ash calls
it obsolete. Danis riisz, est virga ; Jun. Riis, sirculus ; Kilian.

Risli, s. a rush, it was anciently written Rysch, or Rysshe. P. P. C.
and Ort. Voc.

Risome, or Rism, s. the head of the oat. Well risom’d is well headed:
some think it comes from racemus, but probably it has the same
origin as Rise. Randle Holme, in his Academy of Armory has
“ Rizomes, the sparsed ears of oats in the straw. A Rizome head”
a chaffy sparsed head ; the corn in the oats are not called ears but
rizomes.”

•■* - ** • * ; 1 1 '

Rotten, s. Lan. a rat or rats ; rotta is Suedish for a rat. See Screnius’s
Swedish Dictionary.

Ruck, v. to get close or huddle together as fowls do.

Ruck, s. Lan. a heap ; not quite peculiar to this County. Scotch. Jam
Ruga vel Ruka Sui. Got. cumulus, acervus. Ihre.

f 2

36 An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Ruckling’, s. the least of a brood.

Rute, v. to cry with vehemence, to strive, as children do sometimes in
crying, to make as much noise as they can, to bellow or roar. Ash
calls it obsolete. It is admitted here on the sole authority of Ray.

Rynt, Roynt, Runt, v. Lan. in voce rynty, to get out of the way.
Rynt thee, is an expression used by milk-maids to a cow when she
has been milked, to bid her get out of the way. Ash calls it local.
It is used by Shakspeare, and puzzles the Commentators. Possibly
it may owe its origin to the old adverb Arowne, found in P. P. C.
and there explained by remote, seorsum, or from Ryman, or ru-
mian, A. S. to get out of the way. Rym thysum men setl, give
this man place. Saxon Gospels, Luke c. 14. v. 0.

Safe, adj. sure, certain. He is safe to be hanged.

Sapy, adj. foolish, perhaps only sappy ill-pronounced. Sap-scull is
common.

Sarmon, s. a sermon.

Saugh, s. the sallow tree, as Faugh is from fallow.

Sblid, oath ; by his blood.

Scrattle, v. to scratch, as fowls do.

Smutch, v. Lan. a rod, a whip, perhaps switch corrupted. Ash admits
the substantive and rejects the verb.

Scuttle, s. a small piece of wood pointed at both ends, used at a game
like trap-ball, perhaps from scute, O. W. for a boat, it being exactly
of that shape. Johnson explains the word in a different sense.

Seech, v. seeched ; part, to seek.

Seech, Sech, Sike, or Syke, s. Lan. a spring in a field which, having
no immediate outlet, forms a boggy place. Sich, Ang. Sax. a furrow
or gutter, Som.

Seechy, adj. boggy.

Segg, s. a bull castrated when full grown, Lan. Scotch. Jam.

Shape, v. to begin, to set about any thing; to be shaping is to be going

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

away. Shape me; prepare me, make me ready, m’ apprester, Pal.
To shape one’s course is a common expression, either in nautical or
familiar discourse. See Ort. Voc. in voce Evado.

Sell, pron. in the compounds mysell, yoursell, hissell.

Selt, s. chance, a thing of rare occurrence ; hence, seldom and selcouth
(a northern term) Ang. Sax. seld, rarus.

Shed, v. to surpass, or divide; perhaps it should be written sched.
Scotch. Jam. to shed hair, to separate it in order that it may fall on
each side; “ as heaven’s water sheds or deals” (to deal is to separate)
is a northern expression for the boundary of different districts, gene¬
rally the summits of a ridge of hills, from scheeden, separare. Kil.

Shepster, s. the starling, a bird which frequents sheep.

Shewds, s. quasi sheds, Lan. the husks of oats when separated from
the corn.

Shippin, Shippen, or Ship’n, 5. the cow-house: I suppose it is originally
sheep-pen.

Shoat, s. in some places a Shot, a young pig between a Sucker and a
Porker; it is also a term of contempt when applied to a young person.

Shoo, s. a shovel.

Shoo, or Shu, v. to shoo, to drive away any thing, particularly birds
from the com or garden. Lan. Scheuchen, Germ, to drive away.

Sibbed, adj. related to, of kin to. Lan. Sib or Sibbe is a good O. W.
for relationship, still retained in gossip, i. e. Gods Sib. Sibbe, atfi-
nitas, Teut. Kilian.

Sirry, s. sirrah, a contemptuous term often used to dogs.

Skeer, v. to skeer the esse, is to clear the grate ; separating the ashes
from the live coals.

Skelp, v. to leap awkwardly, as a cow does. Skelp, Scotch. Jam.

Skellerd, adj. crooked, out of the perpendicular, from Schcel, obli-
quus, transversus. Kil.

Sken, v. to squint.

Skew, or Skew-bald, adj. a Skewbald is a piebald horse.

Skrike, v. to shriek out loud. Lan. O. W. Skraik is Scotch, Jam.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Skufft, s. the back part of the neck.

Slack, s. small coal ; Lan. sometimes pronounced sleek, also a low
moist place between two hills. Scotch. Jam.

Slather, or Slur, v. to slip or slide.

Sleek, v. to extinguish. Lan.

Sniddle, s. long grass, Lan.

Sope, s. a sup ; a sope of rain is a great deal of rain.

Spact, adj. quick, comprehensive, also in one's senses. He is not
quite spact, means he is under some alienation of mind. Ash calls
the word local, and does not give this last meaning.

Spocken, participle of the verb to speak. Spak. Ost. G. Ihre.

Springow, adj. nimble, active. Littleton has springal.

Squander, v. to separate or disperse; to squander a covey of partridges.

Staggering Bob, or Yellow Slippers, names given by butchers to very
young calves ; when in that state their hoofs are yellow.

Staw, v. i. e. to stay: a cart stopped in a slough, so as not to be able to
proceed, is said to be stawed.

Stele, or Steal, the stalk of a flower, or the handle of a rake or broom :
stele, Ang. Sax. Ash calls it local.

Stepmother’s Blessing, s. a little reverted skin about the nail, often
called a back friend.

Stowk, s. stalk or handle of a pail ; it is also a drinking cup with a
handle; a stowk of ale.

Stract, adj. abbreviation of distracted.

Streea, s. a straw, one who goes out of the country for improvement
and returns without having gained much, is said to have left it to
learn to call a streea a straw.

Strushion, s. destruction, Lan.

Stubbo, or Stubbow, 5. stubble.

Stut, v. to stutter or stammer.

Swippo, or Swippow, adj. supple.

Swippo, s. the thick part of a flail is so called. In Scotch swap is a
sharp stroke, Jam.

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

T aching end, s. i. e. attaching end, a shoemaker’s waxed string.

Tack, s. a lease, or part of a lease, for a certain time is called a tack,
i. e. simply a take.

Tack, s. hold, confidence, reliance : there is no tack in such a one, he
is not to be trusted. Johnson has this word, but not in this sense.

Taffy, s. what is called coverlid ; this is treacle thickened by boiling
and made into hard cakes. Tafia, or taffiat, sugar and brandy made
into cakes, French.

Taigh, or Tay, v. Scotch, to take. Jam. ; to tack is also to take.

Tchem, s. vide in Chem.

Teen, s. anger, Ray, Lan. tynan, A. S. incitare, Som.

Tent, v. to attend or guard ; also to hinder or prevent, Lan.

Thatch-pricks, s. or simply the latter word, sticks used in thatching.

That’n, a that’n, adv. in that manner.

Think on, v. to remind.

This’ll, adv. in this way.

Thrippa, v. to beat.

Tlirunk, adj. thronged, crowded. “ As thrunk as three in abed,” is
an adage.

Thrutch, v. Lan. to thrust or squeeze; squeezing or pressing the
cheese is called thrutching it. Palsgrave says, “ Threche, pynche,
pincer, this is a farre northern term.”

Thunna, s. and v. thunder.

Tickle, see Kickle or Coggle.

Tin, or Tyne, v. Lan. to shut. Tin the dur, shut the door.

Tin, adv. till.

Toot, s. to pry curiously or impertinently into any little domestic
concern. Toten, O. W. for to look out. Chaucer has toteth for
looketh ; a tote-hill is an eminence from whence there is a good
look-out.

Turmit, s. a turnip, Lan.

40 An Attempt at a Glossary of some IVords used in Cheshire.

Twitchel, s. i. e. tway child, twice a child. A person whose intellect
is so weakened by age as to become childish is called a twitchel.
Twitchel, v. to geld a bull or ram by forcing the chords of his testicles
into a cleft stick, so that the chords rot and the testicles fall off.
A. S. twiccan, vellicare. See Skinner.

V. U.

Value, s. amount, as well in measure as in quantity; circiter; when
you come to the value of five feet deep.

Variety, s. a rarity.

Vew, or View, s. a yew-tree, Lan.

Unbethink, v. to recollect, often implying a change of opinion. Ash
calls it local.

Unco, Uncow, or Unkert, adj. awkward, strange, uncommon, Lan.
Cockeram in his Dictionary has “ Uncoth, unknown, strange, merely
uncouth.”

Undeniable, adj. good, with which no fault can be found. An undeniable
road is not only a long established road, but also one in perfect repair.

Up and told, or rather upped and told, making a verb of up; to tell
with energy or animation. Perhaps merely rose up and told.

\ W.

Waiter, s. water.

Wall, s. a spring of water, O. W. walle, Teut. ebullitio, Kil. weallan,
bullire. A. S.

Wall up, v. to spring up.

VVarch, s. pain, Lan. Scotch. See Jam. under Wark.

Warre or Worre, worse; warre and warre, worse and worse.

Wart, or rather Walt, v. in Lan. to wawt, is to overturn ; chiefly used
to carriages. To waiter, in Scotch, is to overturn, and a sheep
await is a cast sheep. Skinner derives it from the Islandic Valter,

An Attempt at a Glossary of some Words used in Cheshire.

Weet, s. wet weather, Lan.

Weet, v. to rain rather slightly, Lan.

Welly, adv. well nigh.

Wern, v. abbreviation of weren, the plural of the perfect tense of the
verb to be : used only when the following word begins with a vowel.

Wetshet, or Wetched, adj. wet shod, wet in the feet.

Will- Jill, or Will-Gill, s. an Hermaphrodite.

Withering, adj. tall, strong, Lan.

Wharre, s. crabs, or the crab tree. Sour as wharre.

Whave, v. to hang over.

Whaver, s. See in voce Riner.

Wheady, adj. that measures more than it appears to be. Dr. Ash
explains it ill by tedious, and calls it local.

Wheam, ad. Lan. lying near, convenient, ready at hand ; perhaps from
home, here pronounced whome.

Wheamow, adj. nimble, active. Ray.

Whick, adj. alive.

Whin-stone, s. a coarse-grained stone, toad-stone, rag-stone. Jam.

Whoave, v. Lan. to cover or overwhelm. Ray.

Whome or Whoam, s. Lan. home.

Whooked, adj. broken in health, shaken in every joint. Ash calls it
local, perhaps merely shook.

Whot, adj. hot.

Wooan, or Wone, v. to dwell ; wooant, did dwell. Lan. Ash calls it
obsolete, woonen, habitare. Kil. A. S. wunian, the same.

Wuts, Whoats, s. oats.

Wych- waller, s. a salt boiler at one of the wyches in Cheshire. Wice,
Sax. Sinus, or the bend of a river. “ To scold like a wych-waller”
is a common adage.

Wyzels, s. the green stems of potatoes. Randle Holme, in his Aca¬
demy of Armory, calls them wisomes, and uses the term to carrots
or turnips. Weize is the German for corn, as holm is for straw,
Peas-holm is still in use.

VOL. XIX.

An Attempt at a Glossary of ' some Words used in Cheshire.

Yaff, v. to bark. A little fow yaffing cur, is a little ugly barking
Scotch. Jam. Gaf. Ang. Sax. a Babbler.

Yate, s. gate. Lan.

Yed or Yead, s. head.

Yedward, Yethart, s. Lan. Edward.

Yelve, s. a dung fork, or prong.

Yelve, v. to dig chiefly with the yelve.

Yern or Yarn, s. a heron.

Yernuts, s. see Jurnuts.

Yewking, Yewkingly. adj. and adv. having a sickly appearance.

T’r A - a n-F n Stnnp. TKnrrtvrn in *ho P'™**"*; T.i- ^YP//nn. nt
I V • J\il /lOL'l/li/l'*/ wy - * 1/fcV} €/#«/ tHl/ -i- l A.ltt>lC UJ rf CLLuZk/y Ufr

Stoney Littleton in the County of Somerset , which zms opened and
investigated in the Month of May 1816. Communicated by
Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Bart. F.S.A.

Read 22d May, 1817-

In my introduction to the Ancient History of South Wiltshire, 1
have endeavoured to investigate with accuracy and minuteness, the
various barrows with which our chalk hills particularly abound. I
have stated their forms, construction, and contents. Those which
occur most frequently, may be divided into four classes. I. The long
barrow. II. The bowl-shaped barrow. III. The bell-shaped barrow.
IV. The Druid barrow. The two first, from the general simplicity
of their structure, appear to be the most ancient ; for in N° 3 we find
a great degree of symmetry in the design, which corresponds with
the figure of a bell : and N° 4 varies materially from all the preceding.
I know not from what circumstances the learned Dr. Stukeley appro¬
priated these low tumuli to the British order of Priests called Druids;
I am rather inclined to think, from the result of our own researches,
that they were destined to receive the bones and the ashes of the
female tribe of Britons ; for the articles generally found within them,
both with regard to size and quality, have been such as were more
becoming to a lady than a priest. But the most inexplicable of all
the barrows, and the most distinguished by its size and construction,
is the Long Barrow , consisting of an immense long ridge of earth,
pointing most frequently from East to West; and rising to a higher
degree of elevation towards the former aspect. These are the barrows
which the Northern Writers describe as ship barrows — carince instar.

In endeavouring to investigate and develope the history of these
great efforts of human art, much time and expense have been lavished,
and I fear, without much profit or information. We have invariably

g 2

Account of a Stone Barrow

found the sepulchral deposit placed under the East, or most distin¬
guished end of the tumulus ; and the interments to consist of skeletons
buried in an irregular and promiscuous manner, and unaccompanied
by those fine urns, gilt daggers, &c. which have rewarded our labours
in the bowl and bell-shaped barrows. From these circumstances we
might be led to suppose that they had been raised over the bodies of
the lower class of people ; but can we suppose that the British tribes
would have raised such immense mounds for this purpose ?

A false idea has prevailed respecting the sepulchral mounds which
we see so thickly dispersed over the chalky hills in Wiltshire and
Dorset. They have been called battle barrows, as if raised over the
bodies of the Britons who were slain in battle. The barrow, in my
opinion, was a grave of honour, raised over the ashes of the chief¬
tain, not of the vassal, whose remains were deposited in the parent
earth, without the distinguishing mark of an elevated mound. I am
inclined to form this conjecture, from the frequent discoveries made on
our bare downs of skeletons, sine tumulo, and many of our large bar-
rows, have been found to contain the bones or ashes of one single corpse.
Still, however, the verdant mound raised over the body of the de¬
ceased, whether interred toto corpore , or reduced to ashes by crema¬
tion, appears from uncontested evidence, to have been the most
ancient and simple mode of burial ; and whether we consider the
sepulchral mounds on the shores of the Hellespont, & c. or compare
the gigantic tumuli at Abury and Marden with the humble grave in
our English church-yards, still we may adopt in their descriptions, the
words of Tacitus,

Sepulchrum cespes er 'igit.

A new species of tumulus now excites my attention, which I shall
denominate the Stone Barrow, varying from the Long Barrow;
not in its external , but in its internal mode of construction. None of
this kind occurred to me during my researches in South Wiltshire ;
loi the material ol stone with which they were partly formed was
wanting. But some I have found in North Wiltshire, and will be

at Stoney Littleton in the County of Somerset.

described in my ancient history of that district. I have met with some
specimens both in Ireland and in Anglesey, but none corresponding
in plan, or more perfect in its construction, than the one which I have
now the honour to submit to the consideration of my brother Anti¬
quaries.

The first sight I had of this barrow was at a time when Colonel
Leigh of Combe Hay had ordered a Roman pavement to be uncovered
at Wellow, in the year 1807, for the satisfaction of his friends and the
curious in Antiquities. a It was then pointed out to me at some distance
from the spot on which we were engaged with the Romans ; and
Colonel Leigh, in the most obliging manner, offered to have it opened
whenever I could attend. But various other antiquarian researches
attracted my attention till the year 1816, when my friend Mr. Skinner,
the Rector of the adjoining parish of Camerton, kindly offered to
undertake and superintend the necessary operations.

Under his judicious and able guidance, an opening was made in the
roof, and the whole of the passage cleared of its rubbish ; and he had
the satisfaction to find that the interior had suffered very little by the
lapse of time, having experienced only one inconsiderable fracture in
the roof, which being enlarged, served as our adit on this occasion.

This singular burying place is of an oblong form, measuring 107
feet in length, 54 feet in extreme width over the barrow, and 13 feet
in height. [PI. I.] It stands on the side of a sloping field, called
“ Round Hill Tyningf about three quarters of a mile to the S. W. of
Wellow church, and nearly the same distance to the South of Wellow
Hays (the field in which is the Roman pavement), and a short half
mile from Stoney Littleton house. The entrance to this tumulus faces
the North West: a large stone upwards of seven feet long and three
and a half wide, supported by two others, forms the lintern over a
square aperture about four feet high, which had been closed, by a

* I was present at the uncovering of this fine mosaic pavement, and saw with astonishment
an engraving made from it, at the period of its first discovery, which differed so totally from
the original, that I could almost fancy it had been done from memory.

Account of a Stone Barrow

large stone, apparently for many years. [PI. II.] This was re¬
moved in my presence, and the original entrance restored. It then
discovered to us a long and narrow passage or avenue, extending in
length forty-seven feet six inches, and varying in its breadth. The
straight line is broken, if I may use the modern expression, by three
transepts, forming as many recesses on each side of the avenue.
These correspond only in their relative situation, as being placed op¬
posite to each other ; not in the uniformity of their construction, as
will be seen by the annexed section. [PI. I.] The side walls are
formed of thin laminae of stone piled closely together without ce¬
ment, and a rude kind of arched roof is made by stones so placed as
to overlap each other. Where the large stones in the side walls did
not join, the interstices were filled up with layers of small stones, as
described in PI. III.

After a lapse of so many centuries since the probable formation of
this sepulchre, our antiquarian zeal could not be carried to such a
pitch, as to lead us to the expectation of making any new or perfect
discovery ; and indeed we were informed, by the neighbouring inha¬
bitants, that it had been resorted to as a stone quarry by a farmer,
and as a hiding place by a fox, who had taken shelter there, but in
vain. Our investigation fully proved, that the interments had been
disturbed, and their deposits probably removed ; for, in the long ave¬
nue, we met with many fragments of bones, &c. which had probably
been removed from the sepulchral recesses ; many of which had been
filled up with stones, and other rubbish. In the furthermost recess at
A. were leg and thigh bones, with smaller fragments. At B. there were
confused heaps of bones and earth. At C. four jaw-bones were found,
the teeth perfect ; also the upper part of two crania, which appeared
to us remarkably flat in the forehead : there were also several leg,
thigh, and arm bones, with vertebrcB, but no perfect skeleton. This
cell had been less disturbed than the others, owing to one of the side
stones having fallen down across the entrance. In the cist D. were
fragments of an earthen vessel, with burned bones ; also a number of

at Stoney Littleton in the County of Somerset.

bones, which from their variety seemed to have been the relics of
two or three skeletons. At E. there is a stone placed across the pas¬
sage, for which I cannot well account, except we suppose that the
sepulchral vault extended at first only thus far ; and in later times
was enlarged to the present extent.

I have had occasion to remark in former publications, that the Long
Barrow , in its local disposition, was generally directed from East to
West, and that the broadest end was inclined towards the former
point ; but in this tumulus now under consideration, there is a variety
in its position, which bears nearly North East and South West, and
has its broadest point towards the South East.

By the annexed Sketches, which I have the honour to lay before the
Society, it will appear, that a certain rude uniformity has been ob¬
served in the general plan ; and that each side of the vault corresponds
in the number of its recesses : but these vary in their dimensions, and
no attention has been paid to the size or symmetry of the stones which
line the sides, and which are placed in the same rude state as when
extracted from the quarry, and at a period, probably, when the use
of tools was unknown. The remains of bones, and fragments of pot¬
tery dispersed about this barrow, prove that the two systems of burial
were here adopted; the interment of the body entire, and crema¬
tion : and after the most minute investigation, I have never been able
to separate, with any degree of certainty, by two distinct periods,
these different modes of burial : I am, however, inclined to think,
that the very earliest mode of interment, was the gathering of the legs
up towards the head : and that the latest mode was, extending the
body at full length. We find also a variety in the system of cremation:
for in some instances, the sepulchral urn is placed in an upright posi¬
tion : but much more frequently reversed over the ashes of the de¬
ceased. We have also found the two systems of burial and burning
adopted in the same barrow.

I shall now request the attention of my brother Antiquaries, and
especially of those versed in the science of Craniology, to the two

Account of a Stone Barrow , 8$c.

skulls discovered in this tumulus, which appear to be totally different
in their formation from any others which our researches have led us to
examine: being “ f route valde depressa .”a

I have always combated the vulgar idea that our barrows were
raised over those fallen in battle ; and am inclined to think, that at
the period when these mounds were first raised, peace rather than war
prevailed in our island. Only one or two instances have occurred
where we have found any defect or pressure on the skull, indicating a
mortal wound : but in one of the barrows near Stonehenge, we dug up
a skull, which appeared to have been cut in two by some very sharp
instrument, and as nicely as any instrument of Savigny could have
effected. This skull was re-interred in the same barrow. b

The singular beauty of the teeth has often attracted our attention :
we have seldom found one unsound, or one missing, except in the
cases of apparent old age. This peculiarity may be easily accounted
for. The Britons led a pastoral life, feeding upon the milk of their
flocks, and the venison of their forests ; and the sweets of the West
Indies were to them totally unknown.

RICH. COLT HOARE.

a A similar instance occurred in Tumulus 173, page 206, Ancient Wilts,
b In Tumulus 36, Ancient Wilts, page 163.

Stourhead, April IS 17.

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YOL.XIX.fJ.48.

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PI ale III. • VOL.XIX.jK48.

V. An Account of two Seals attached to a Deed of the Twelfth
Century , granted by the Prior and Convent of St. Bartholomew ,
in Smithfield. By Richard Powell, M.D. In a Letter to
William George Maton, M.D. F.R.S. and S.A.

Read 27th Nov. 1817.

Dear Sir,

The Society of Antiquaries have preserved in their publications two
Seals of the ancient Convent of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield, and 1
am therefore induced to hope that the present communication of a
third Seal used by the same Body may not be wholly unacceptable or
uninteresting to them.

VOL. XIX.

50 Account of two Seals attached to a Deed of the \%th Century ,

With respect to the two Seals alluded to as already engraved, one
of them will be found in the Archaeologia, Vol. xv. It was used, as
is there stated, by the Friars Preachers, or Black Friars, when in the
reign of Mary that part of the original Church which survived the
ravages of the dissolution was restored to their use. The other is
given in the Vetusta Monumenta, Vol. ii. PI. 36, over the figure of
the monument of Prior Rahere. To this latter the accompanying
history affixes no date, but it is said to be taken from the original in
the Augmentation Office. That it belongs, however, to a much less
early period than that which I have now the honour to submit to the
Society is manifest from a variety of circumstances. The ornamented
seat upon which a bearded figure is placed on one of its faces, and the
Church of a crucial form, with long pointed windows divided by mul-
lions and surmounted by trefoil and qnatrefoil ornaments, and with a
tower surrounded by battlements, which is represented on the other,
prove it to be the work and to represent the architecture of a later
age. This use, however, of different Seals at different periods is not
uncommon in the history of our religious establishments, and each of
them supports and illustrates rather than invalidates the authority of
the other.

I remember to have seen the subject of my communication some
years since when I was engaged in an inquiry into the ancient state of
St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, which formed a most honorable and useful
appendage to the ancient neighbouring Convent, and an accidental
circumstance has recently brought it again under my notice.

The Heed itself is beautifully written in the characters of its period
upon parchment, and is in good preservation, and contains a life grant
of the Church of St. Sepulchre from the Prior and Convent of St.
Bartholomew, upon the condition of certain payments. It appears that
this Church was under the patronage of the Convent at that period
by the Charter of Henry I.a which describes it in the following words
as on,e of their possessions. “ Ex dono Rogeri quondam Sarum Epis-

a Dugd. Mon. Angl. tom. ii. p. 171.

granted by the Prior and Convent of St. Bartholomew , Smithfeld. 5 1

copi, ecclesiam Sancti Sepulchri de ballio London cum pertinentiis sui^
infra Burgum et extra.'5 Now the above named Roger was Bishop of
Sarurri from 1107 to 1139,a and he is also one of the witnesses to the
Charter given by Henry I. to the Convent of St. Bartholomew, which
bears date 1133.b

1 read the Deed itself as follows : “ Notum sit universis fidelibus quod
ego Raherus Sancti Bartholomei qui est in Smetliefeld prior, totusqne
Ecclesiae nostrafe Conventus, Ecclesiam Sancti Sepulchri Hagnoni Cle-
rico, si regulam alterius professionis non inierit usque ad finem dierum
suorum, in eleemosina concessimus. Illud autem scitote quod idem
praedictus Hagno singulis annis ad usum Canonicorum simul & pauperum
in Hospitali degentium quinquaginta solidos nobis reddet. In festivi-
tate Sancti Michaelis xxv. solidos, xxv. in Paselia. Anno incarnationis
Domini 1137, anno vero secundo imperii Stephani regisin Anglia: his
existentibus testibus, Haco Decanus, Hugo Sancti Martini canonicus,
Gwalterus frater Gulielmi archidiaconi, Haroldus canonicus, Radufus
Magister, Gilebert.us presbyter, Osbertus presbyter, Rodbertus de
Sancta Maria, Algarus presbyter, Godefridus filius Baldwini saccarius,
Rogerus magister, Alexander, Odo, Gaufridus cunestable, Ricardus
presbyter, Burdo clericus, Gaufridus de Heli.”

At the bottom of the Deed, through separate apertures cut in the
parchment, are passed two long double slips, also of parchment, and to
which two large seals of red wax are affixed.

The Seals are distinct and not of the same form ; that on the left of
the Deed being round and of the diameter of 2-^ inches, that on the
right being oval in its form and of inches by 2^-. The form of
the latter is much less oval than that which has been since chiefly
adopted for ecclesiastical seals, and to which some mystical signification
seems to have been attached.

The first and principal of these Seals is the round one: it has a sur¬
rounding inscription which is somewhat broken and imperfect, but the

v a See Britton’s Salisb. Cathedral.

*■ See Dugdale, tom. ii. p. 386. where he is described as Episcopus Salesbirfee.

H 2

52 Account of two Seals attached to a Deed of the 1 Zth Century ,

letters, particularly the M, and, except in one instance, the E also, ap¬
proximate more in their shape and arrangement to the Roman manner,
and may therefore perhaps lead to an inference that it is the older of
the two. I conjecture that it may thus be read, those letters which are
printed in italics being supplied :

SI GILLUM CONVENTS ECCLESJ^ DEI ET SANCT1
BARTHOLOMEI DE SME THFELDE.

Within the circle of inscription is represented the external figure of
the south side of a Church. This is perhaps somewhat imperfectly ex¬
pressed as to its general perspective, but still it bears a more perfect
relation of the several parts to each other, than many portraits of the
same sort of buildings which are engraved upon the conventual seals
of after ages. These latter also may be generally held to represent
with considerable accuracy the fashion of the prevailing architecture
of their day.

To me, who have looked somewhat at our ecclesiastical architecture,
this undoubted portrait of any Church which, as here given, existed
in the early part of the 12th century is exceedingly curious and in¬
teresting, it affords a fair specimen of the general mode of building
Churches employed at the period when the Seal was engraved, and
seems, therefore, to deserve particular attention.

The southern side of a Church is exhibited, to the eastern end of
which a lower chapel is attached. In the side wall of the body, and
at a considerable height, are two round headed windows. These are
larger and also broader in proportion than the external windows of
that period have been usually held to be, and in their general form
seem much to resemble that of some of the internal apertures in the
second tier of some of the naves built by Gundulph in the early part
of the same century. I think that under the western of the two there
are some imperfect signs of a door, but without any porch, and whe¬
ther the undulating direction of the lines from thence eastward are
mere cracks of the wax, or meant to represent rising ground, I cannot

granted by the Prior and Convent of St. Barthobniew, in Smithfield. 53

determine. There is one window also in the attached chapel which is
in a lower line than the others, and smaller than them, but of the
same general form. The side wall also of this chapel appears to come
forwarder than that of the body of the church. The roof of both
is sloping, high pitched, and covered with tiles : and it overhangs the
side walls, which of course do not rise into a parapet. At each end of
the roof of the body, and from the sloping disposition of the lines I
should also say from the middle of each end, arises a lofty round tower
terminating in a dome like an overhanging top. In the centre is
another tower of about equal height, but broader, and it has two rather
long but narrow openings visible in it. The eastern chapel has the
same form of roof but lower, and is terminated at its point by a cross,
which appears, as do the towers also, to be of too large a proportion
for the building they surmount. The eastern end is decidedly square
and not circular, as was the case in most of the early churches.

I think the above circumstances are evident on inspection, it is
another question whether the portrait be ideal and moulded according
to the fancy of the cutter, under the influence of the fashion of the
time, or a representation of some existing church either English or
foreign. Unless it was executed before the erection of any part of
that building whose remains at present exist, it certainly could not be
designed to represent the church of the convent.3 The end thereof,
east of the tower and the south transept, are the only parts which could
have been built in the twelfth century. The disposition of the pillars
proves the eastern end to have been a semicircular one, and there is
also a southern transept of the same date, neither of which are found
in the figure under consideration. Still, however, it is right to notice

* It is to be lamented that amongst all the modern attempts to preserve the memory of an¬
cient buildings, no sufficient engravings or ground plan of this venerable church have yet been
published. The part used as a parish Church is in good preservation, and the restorations and
repairs are in the old style, but the adjoining buildings are rapidly losing their original character,
and within a very few years the last remaining arch of the south aisle of the nave has been
closed with modern brick work. In a few more no traces of the conventual buildings will
probably remain, except in the plans and drawings of Mr. Hardwicke.

Account of two Seals attached to a Deed of the 12 th Century ,

that in one of the miracles recorded in the Legend, upon the authority
of which Rahere is honoured as the founder both of the Hospital and
Monastery (Mus. Brit. MS. Cotton. Vesp. B.9.), an eastern chapel is said
to have existed : “ In orientali parte ejusdem Ecclesise est Oratorium et
in eo altare in honorem beatissimse & perpetuae virginis Mariae conse-
cratum and this legend with all its improbabilities is further vouched
to have been written whilst some who remembered the earlier part of
the life of Rahere were alive to vouch for its truth. It is perhaps im¬
possible in the present day to ascertain whether the honour thus be¬
stowed upon the memory of Rahere is merited. Leland a says, “ Hen-
ricus primus fundator,” but I do not find upon what authority, and
seeing that Rahere is not mentioned in that character, in any charter,
or even upon his monument, and comparing the probable dates of his
life and those of the style of building, I cannot but incline to those
circumstances which militate against his claim to the honour of having
founded an establishment of which the most ancient Hospital in the
city of London for the relief of the sick was an original part, and
which has preserved its destined object, and largely diffused its benefits
in an uninterrupted series through seven centuries unto the present
day.

The second or oblong Seal, may be supposed from its shape alone
to lie of a later date than the round conventual Seal before men¬
tioned ; and this supposition will derive some degree of support from
the form of the letters, which has less resemblance to the Roman cha¬
racter. The inscription which surrounds it is imperfect in some of its
most important words, but the following are sufficiently evident :

K SIGILLUM - - - - BARTHOLOMEI DE
SMETHFELDE.

Those which intervene between the two first are unintelligible, though
1 cannot but think that the letters RAH are those which occur imme¬
diately after SIGILLUM, and that CO precede BARTHOLOMEI,

*« -

* Collect, tom. i. p. 54.

granted by the Prior and Convent of St. Bartholomew, Smithfeld. 55

and, if so, this is an impression of the official Seal of the prior Rahere,
as the former was of the convent at large. It must, however, be left
to more experienced judges than myself to speak with confidence upon
these letters.

Within the centre stands an ecclesiastic clothed in an under gar¬
ment with full loose sleeves and descending to the ancles, below which
the feet are seen and appear to be bare. Over this, and reaching to the
middle of the leg there seems to hang a rochet, open down its sides,
and across the breast and right shoulder there is an ornamented vest¬
ment which probably belongs to the hood. In the right hand, which is
raised across the breast, beholds a processional cross; if the cross bat be
single it is I believe one of the usual insignia of an Archbishop, but I
have doubts on examination whether there be not two bars, which
would designate the bearer as a Patriarch. The left hand is also ele¬
vated from the body and supports a book. The neck is bare, and the
face and head are rather disfigured, but still I think it is evident that,
there is a mitre upon the head, and that this ornament is proportion¬
ally of considerable height. The several circumstances of the dress
seem to counteract the opinion which might otherwise have been en¬
tertained that the figure was intended to represent the Prior himself.

Most of the points upon which I have touched, although they may
appear minute and perhaps futile, have been the subjects of discussion
among learned men, and I may therefore be Excused for pointing out
the probable bearings of this particular example. It may not weigh
much in the scale on either side, but perhaps there are few subjects
more alluring or more interesting than the state of our early church
establishments, and the progress and principles of their architecture
towards that perfection which it finally reached.

I am, Dear Sir,

Yours sincerely,

RICHARD POWELL.

Bedford Place, Nov. IJ, 1817-

VI. An Account of some Antiquities found at Fulbourn in Cam¬
bridgeshire, in a Letter addressed to Nicholas Carlisle,
Esq. F.R.S. Secretary ; by the Rev. E. D. Clarke, LL.L ).
Frofessor of Mineralogy in the University of Cambridge.

Read 4th December, 1817.

Sir,

The observations already transmitted to the Society of Antiquaries,
respecting some Celtic remains discovered near Sawston, were hardly
communicated to the Society when our attention was again called to
similiar antiquities of much more elegant form, and very superior
workmanship, that were found by a party of labourers in the service
of Greaves Townley, Esq. of Fulbourn , as they were digging upon
Fulbourn common. Mr. Townley had the kindness to send these men
to me at Cambridge , with the curious reliques they had brought to
light ; and as he allowed me to make what use of them I pleased, I
am enabled to lay before the Society such other remarks as appear to
me to be worthy of notice ; accompanied, as before, with a drawing,
by Mr. Kerrich, of the things as they were found, remarkable for its
fidelity and exactness of delineation.

' These antiquities are five in number, and all of them consist of
bronze ; namely, two swords, a spear-head, and two ferrules, which we
suppose to have been the feet of spears. One of the swords was
found broken into four pieces ; the other into three pieces.3 A part
of the second sword we have used in a chemical analysis of the alloy,6
and for estimating its specific gravity. Originally they were both of
the same length, viz. two feet; and they measure in the widest part
of each blade, one inch and three eighths ; the handle and blade, in
either instance, being all of one piece of metal. The thickness of each
blade is nearly equal throughout, measuring two-eighths of an inch.c

8 See PI. IV. fig. 1, 2. b See the deficiency marked by dotted lines, PI. IV. fig. 2.

c See the sections, PI. IV. fig. 3, 4.

Account of Antiquities found at Fulboum.

In the handles, which are flat like the blades, there are still remaining
bronze rivets, as if those handles had been formerly coated with ivory,
bone, wood, or agate. The spear-head, which is of singularly elegant
workmanship,3 measures ten inches and a half in length, two inches in
the widest part, and the opening, where it received the point of the
lance, is an inch in diameter. The ferrules b exhibit fastenings and
apertures precisely similar to those of the spear-head ; which add to
the probability of their having been the feet of two spears. They
have a circular basis of two inches diameter. Such feet for spears
may be observed upon Grecian weapons of a very early age, as they
are represented upon painted terra-cottas ;c although they be more
frequently figured without this termination ; in other respects the
Fulboum spears seem to have been most correctly modelled after the
most ancient form of spear used in ancient Greece. The Swords are
also decidedly after the Grecian model ;d differing materially from
the swords in use among the Romans , both as to their shape and
materials. But the very remote age to which the real history of such
bronze reliques would refer us, does not seem to have been noticed
by our Antiquaries. Perhaps there is no passage in ancient history
more decisive upon this point than that which occurs in Plutarch ;
where he mentions the weapons that were found by Cimon in the tomb
of Theseus. They were of bronze , and corresponded in a remarkable
manner with the Fulboum weapons ; being a bronze spear-head
and a sword (£»' <po;).e Many years ago, when Dr. Knowles
was Prebendary of Ely, he had in his possession a sword correspond¬
ing with these found at Fulboum. It was taken out of the river Cam,
between Cambridge and Ely, by some workmen employed in cutting

1 See PI. IV\ fig. 5, also the sections in fig. 6 and 7, and the enlarged representations, show¬
ing the fluting at the point in fig. 8 and 9.

b PI. IV. fig. 10, 11. c Millin, Peintures de Vases, tom. ii. p. 25.

d Mus. di Real. Acad, di Mantov. tom. v. p. 58. See also Millin, Galerie Mythologique,
tom. ii. Planche cxvi. 428, &c. &c. Paris, 1811.

e Eufefli) Se Sijxtj re //.eyaAou <ru> fj.arog, re I'afaxeip.evi; j^aAxij, nai %'upos. Plut. in V it.

Thes. tom. i. p. 35. Lond. 1729.

VOL. XIX.

68 Account of Antiquities found at Fulbourn

sedge with an instrument, called “ a bear. ' This bronze sword was
perfectly entire. Captain Tolver , then living at Ely , was Adjutant of
the Militia ; upon its being shewn to him, he immediately recollected
that such bronze swords, of the same shape, had been found in Ireland ;
where they were so much admired by Marquis Townshend , then Lord
Lieutenant, that he ordered several steel swords to be manufactured
of the same form ; it being urged, that with a sword of this shape,
“ a Alan might hold his cut;' which was the expression used ; and
thereby inflict a more deadly wound. The Celtic origin, therefore, of
the Fulbourn swords, is hereby rendered extremely probable ; perhaps
it may now appear that, by a careful attention to their chemical ana¬
lysis, this is made capable of demonstration.

The alloy, of which all these antiquities consist, is hard and brittle ;
the surface disclosed by fracture being earthy, of a white colour, and
totally destitute of any metallic lustre ; but upon the action of a tile
its appearance is very different ; it then exhibits all the splendour and
colour of gold.a Its specific gravity ascertained in pump water, at a
temperature equal to 56° of Fahrenheit, amounted to 9,200 ; proving
the curious fact mentioned by Eeaume,h and by many subsequent
writers/ and observed even by Paracelsus ,d that tin combining with
copper besides communicating to it part of its fusibility, affords an
alloy which is of greater specific gravity than either of the metals
separately possessed; because, during their combination, their particles
mutually penetrate each other. Having divested a portion of one of
the swords6 of all patina and adherent impurity, for the purpose of
estimating its specific gravity, as aforesaid, 200 grains of it, carefully
weighed, were placed in highly concentrated nitric acid ; the acid
acting vehemently upon the metal, and leaving a white insoluble pre-

a Mr. Pott in a German letter to Von Jnsti printed in 1760, describes an alloy of copper
and tin, as affording a gold-coloured metal called Tombac. See Lewis’s Commerce of the
Arts, p. 624, Lond. 1763.

b Manuel de Chymie, p. 149. c See Watson’s Chemical Essays, &c. &c.

d See also the “ Art of Distillation," by French, book v. p. 164. “ I suppose,” says this

old writer, the copper condenseth the body of the tin, which before was very porous, which
condensation rather addes then diminisheth the weight thereof.” * See PI. IV fig. 2.

in Cambridgeshire.

cipitate of tin oxide, which when, washed and dried weighed 34 grains.
According to Proust ,a the white oxide produced by the utmost action
of nitric acid upon tin, is composed of 28 per cent of oxygen , and
72 of tin. Hence therefore it follows, that

100 : 72 : : 34 : x = 24,

and that this alloy , as in almost every instance where ancient bronze
has been submitted to a regular analysis, consists of 88 per cent of
copper added to 12 per cent of tin. The proportion of metallic tin,
in the white oxide, as here stated upon the authority of Proust, is
founded upon the increase of 40, which 100 parts of the metal receive
by oxygenation ; and its accuracy is further proved by the uniformity
characterizing all the results which different chemists have obtained
in the analysis of ancient bronze; a degree of uniformity hardly to be
explained without supposing that there may have existed a native
compound of the two metals thus united. In almost every instance
the proportion of the copper to the tin has been as 88 to 12. This
was the result of the analysis made by Mr. Hatchett, of the bronze
nails brought by Sir. Wm. Gell from the tomb of Agamemnon at
Mycenw ; the same result was also obtained in the analysis, by Di\
Wollaston, of some arrow-heads of bronze found in the South of Russia;
and I have found the same constituents similarly combined in various
specimens of bronze from Grecian and from Celtic sepulchres; in the
bronze lamps of ancient Egypt, and in the lares, weapons, and other
bronzes of the same country. That in the analysis of bronze, found in
countries widely separated, there should not be a more perceptible
difference in the proportion of their chemical constituents, is a
remarkable circumstance. The Gaulish axeb found in France , by
M. Dupont de Nemours, and which cut wood like a steel axe, might be
considered as an exception ; because it contained, according to the

» Seethe Journal dePhys. tom. li. also Aikin’s Chemical Dictionary, vol. ii. p. 422. Lond. 1807.

b It was in all probability a Celt ,• the antiquities denominated Celts in this country having
been originally axes ; as may be proved with reference to the. short axes of the Coast of
Malabar, where the same instrument is still in use. A gentleman recently returned from
India, upon seeing a parcel of Celts in Cambridge immediately recognized the Malabar axes .

I 2

Account of Antiquities found at Fulbourn

analysis of Vauquelin , 87 parts of copper combined witli 9 parts of tin ;
but in this axe there were also present 3 parts of iron;A perhaps an
impurity of the tin ; which is rarely free from an admixture of other
metals. The tin of the Fulbourn swords, when exposed to a violent
heat, yielded an alliaceous smell denoting the presence of arsenic;
and a very small portion of a black insoluble powder remained in the
nitric acid after the solution of the copper.

To conclude, therefore, if we be permitted to consider these bronze
reliques as so many characteristical vestiges of a peculiar people, to
whom the art was known of giving a maximum of density to copper
and tin , by a chemical operation, we shall be at a loss, either to ascer¬
tain their origin, or to account for their wide dispersion. Such
reliques, as it has been proved, are found alike in Egypt and in
Greece , in Great Britain, and in Ireland. To this it may be added,
that the most ancient bronze coins of India (of which I have lately
analyzed some that were found near the Byzantium of Larice , upon
the Barygazenus Sinus ) consist of a similar alloy ; and I have reason
to suspect that the bronze idols of Tahtary , and of China, will, upon a
chemical examination, be found to contain the same ingredients.
Should this be true, it may possiby afford new light for investigating
some of the most interesting parts of ancient history ; especially as
far as it relates to the origin of the Greeks: in the mean time, as a
most singular fact connected with this enquiry, it is proper to men¬
tion, that the oldest representation which exists of the Athenian
Minerva , exhibits the goddess in the regular costume of China; with
the same sort of scalp-like cap upon her head, and the same braided
queue hanging down her back,b which are now worn by the inhabitants
of that country.

I have the honour to be,

Sir,

Your obedient humble servant,

EDWARD DANIEL CLARKE.

Cambridge, Nov. 27th, 1817-

* Humboldt’s New Spain. Jameson’s Mineralogy, vol. iii. p. 102. Edin. 1816.

b See a terra-cotta vase discovered at Athens, now in the possession of Mr. Burgon, late
British Consul at Smyrna.

in Cambridgeshire.

P.S. In the course of the last summer I opened a very consider¬
able tumulus, called Hay-hill, standing by the remains of the old
Roman road westward of Cambridge, beyond the village of Barton,
towards Wimpole. Some curious remains, made of iron, had been
found near the spot ; of which I have also sent a sketch made by the
Rev. Mr. Pemberton, Minister of Barton. They consisted of a chain
with six collars for conducting captives ;a and a double fulcrum, in¬
tended to support a spit for roasting meat, the coals being placed
under the spit ; b illustrating a well-known passage in Virgil :c

“ Subjiciunt verubus prunas et viscera torrent.”

That they were Roman antiquities is therefore very probable ; but in
opening the tumulus, nothing further was discovered likely to decide
this point. Upon the floor of the tomb, about nine feet from the
summit, we found the remains of a single human skeleton ; the head,
separated from the body, was lying upon the right ear, north and
south ; the top of the skull pointing to the south. The bones of the
body were lying east and ivest. The skull was removed, and it is now
in our University Library.

Since writing the above, (so lately as April 15, 1818) some labourers,
being employed digging gravel near the same tumulus, discovered, at
the same distance, and on the same side, of the Roman road, fourteen
inches below the surface of the soil, a rude stone slab, covering the
mouth of an Amphora. Upon raising the stone, there were found
within the Amphora, which was full of water, a black terra-cotta vase
of elegant form, half filled with human bones ; also two other smaller
vessels of red terra-cotta with handles. I am at this moment engaged
in removing these antiquities to our University Library. This disco¬
very remarkably illustrates the meaning of the Amphora as a symbol
upon the gems and medals of the antients ; its sepulchral use rendering
it an appropriate type of Hades and of Night; wherefore it was also
figured with an owl.

c Virgilii iEneid, lib. v. 103.

* See PL IV. fig. IS.

b See PI. IV. fig. 12.

VI.* Copy of an Order made by Cardinal Wolsey , as Lord Chancellor ,
respecting the Management of the Affairs of the young Earl of
Oxford. Communicated by Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S.
Secretary , in a Letter to Matthew Raper, Esq. V.P. F.R.S.

Read 11th Dec, 1817-

DEAR SIR, British Museum, Nov. 30, 1817.

Among the Manuscripts which were some time ago purchased by
Government of the Representatives of Mr. Francis Hargrave, and
which are now deposited in the British Museum, I have laid my hand
upon the Transcript of an Order made by Cardinal Wolsey, as Lord
Chancellor, for the regulation of the Household Expences and general
Management of the Affairs of the young Earl of Oxford, then a
minor. In the 15th year of King Henry the 8th. A.D. 1524.

I transmit you a Copy of it in the hope that it may prove worthy
to be communicated to the Society of Antiquaries.

I am, dear Sir,

Very faithfully yours,

HENRY ELLIS.

To Matthew Raper, Esq. V. P,

[MS. Hargr. Num. 249, fol. 226.]

“ An Order made by the reverend Father in God Thomas Woolsev
Cardinall of England, by directon from the King, to lymitt John
Earle of Oxenford in the orderinge of his Expences of Household and
other his Affaires in his yonger yeares, as also for his demeanor
towards the Countess his wief in the xvth yeare of King Henry 8th.

Firste, it is ordered by the most reverend Father in God that to the
intent the said Earle yett beinge vounge and nott at all foredele to

Order made by Cardinal Wolsey.

maintame a great and ordinarie House maie not onely by Example of
other have better Experience and Knowledge hereafter of such things
as be requisite for him to know in that behalfe, but also by Spareing and
moderate Expences in the beginning of his Youth be more abundantlie
furnished beforehand for the supportation and maintenance of those
and other Charges when the cause shall require, and in the mean time
bee the better able to serve the King’s Grace as shall appertaine.

The same Earle shall incontinentlie discharge and breake his house¬
hold, sojourning, hee and the lady his wief, their family, and servants
hereafter to be mentioned, with his father-in-law the Duke of Nor-
ffolke, at such convenient prizes for their boards as betweene the same
Duke and the Ladie Dutchess his wife and the said Earle of Oxford,
by mediation of his friends, can be accorded, covenanted, and agreed.

Item it is further ordered that for good Councell to bee given,
and due service to bee done unto the said Earle and the Countess his
wief, aswel in ordering of his Lands as otherwise, they Shall have
the number of Officers and Servants underwritten ; viz. for his
lands John Josselin to be his Auditor, and Surveyor and

receivor of the same, and for the said service of them both ; one
Chaplain; twoo Gentlemen; sixe Yeomen; three Groomes and three
horse-keepers: with a Page; two Gentlemen; and one Chamber¬
maid ; to attend upon the Lady his wife. Of which said Men and
Women servants now to be deputed, chosen, and assigned, the said
Earl of Oxenford shall with all diligence certifye the names in write-
ing unto the said most reverend Father, to the Inteiitt thatt upon
Inquirie and Knowledge had of theire sadnes, good demeanor, and
fidelities they maie bee by him approved, or not being found of such
qualities rejected and excepted. And semblahlie from time to time the
said most reverend Father in God shall approve such Officers and Ser¬
vants as hee shall thinke good to be about the said Earle and CounteSSe
his wief for theire most weale, honour, and proffite; and them upon their
meritts or derneritts to accept or expell att his pleasure, w hereunto
the said Earle shall at all seasons be conformable, nott admitting or

Order made by Cardinal IVolsey.

takeing into his service any Person but such as shalbee by the said
most reverend Father soe allowed and approved, as aforesaid.

Item the said Officers and Servants, and everie of them, from time
to time being, shalbee taken, used, and ordered as Officers and Ser¬
vants indifferently to the said Earle and Lady his wief being obedientt
to theire services and good Commandments, without any speciall
limittacon of any of the said Officers or men servants to be either the
said Earles or the said Countesses servants onelie : whereby there
should appeare or arise any particuler or partiall distinction, some of
them to belong unto the said Earle and some to the said Countess.

Item the said Earle of Oxford shall sadly, moderately, and with
temperance and discretion use himself, from time to time, aswell in
his Expences as in his Diett and other his dailie Conversations for¬
bearing to make or pass any Grant of Annuitys, Offices, or otherwise,
but by the advice and consentt of the said most reverend Father
in escheweinge the great Decaie of his Lands and hindrance in his
substance. Semblably for conservation of his Healthe and avoiding
sundry Inconveniencies hee shall have a vigilant regard that he use
not much to drink hot wines, ne to drink or sitt up late, or accustom
himself with hotte or unwholesome meats, contrary to his Com¬
plexion whereby he may be brought into Infirmitie and Disease.

Item the said Earle shall also moderate his hunteing or other Dis¬
ports, or hunting or useingthe same excessively, daily, or customably;
but onely at such tymes and seasons as maie bee convenientt for the
wealth and recreation of his bodie, and as by the sadest and most dis-
creteste of his servants shalbee advised and thought expedientt.

Item, in all other the gestures and behaviours of the said Earle he
shall use himself honourably, prudently, and sadly, forbearinge all
riotous and wild companies, excessive and superfluous apparell : and
namely he shall, as to a Nobleman apperteigneth, lovinglie, familiarlie,
and kindlie intreate and demeane himself towards the said Countesse
his wief as there may be perfect love, concord, and unity engendered,
nourished, and continued between them, as to the laws of God ; and

on the Affairs of the young Earl of Oxford.

for bringeing forthe fruit and children between them to God’s pleasure
doth appertaine wherein the said Earle shall specially see that he give
no Ear to simple or evil tongued Persons which for particular malice,
or to attaine favor, thanks, or otherwise, shall contrive seditious
or slanderous Reports between them, but like a Nobleman shall che¬
rish, love, and entertaine the said Countess with all gentleness and
kindness to be used either to other. And, generally, the said Earle shall
discreetly, substantialy, and sadly governe, use, behave, and order
himself in all his Acts, Demeanors, Gestures, and Proceedings as to
such a Nobleman doth and shall appertaine. For observation of which
premises, devised by the King’s speciall commandement for the pub-
lick ordering, wealth, and increase of the said Earle, as is aforesaid,
not only he standeth bound with sufficient sureties to the said most
reverend Father ; that is to say, he himselfe in the summe of two thou¬
sand pounds, and six sureties, every of them in Five hundred Marks,
but also these present Articles in Papers indented tripartite, the one
remaining with the same most reverend Father, another with the said
Earle, and the third with the Executors of the Laste Will and Testa¬
ment of the late Earle of Oxford, signed with all their hands, bee
alternately and interchangeably delivered, either to other, the 16th
Day of February the 15th Year of the Kings Reign.

T. CARLIS EBOR.

John Oxenford.

VOL. XIX.

VII. Observations on the Seal of Evesham Abbey in ff orcester shire.
By William Hamper, Esq. Communicated in a Letter to
Nicholas Carlisle, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 8th Jan. 1818.

Deritend House, Birmingham, Dec. 19, 1817

DEAR SIR,

The Seal of Evesham Abbey, in the County of Worcester, having
been hitherto imperfectly delineated and explained, particularly as
respects its inscriptions, I beg you to do me the favour of laying be¬
fore the Society of Antiquaries a restored outline of that very inte¬
resting subject, PI. V. which I have completed from two Impressions
of the Seal, in my own possession, aided in a very few parts by the
Plate of it in Tindal’s History of Evesham.

1 remain, dear Sir,

Yours very sincerely,

Wm. HAMPER.

Nicholas Carlisle, Esq. Sec. S. A,

&c. &e. &c.

EXPLANATION OF EVESHAM ABBEY SEAL.

Obverse. The principal figure represents Eoves, the swain or coun¬
tryman, who first gave name to the place, standing in a w ood, with his
porcine herd near him. He carries a long staff, such as was probably
used for the purpose of beating down acorns and beech-mast ; and is
encompassed with a label bearing a Saxon Inscription, which Dr.
Nash (Worcestersh. vol. i. p. 396,) reads as follows: GOVGSDG.
VGNGTIG. AIT. WAS. SWIN. CORLIMEN. CLGPGT. VIS.
GOVISJpOM. Thus explained by a learned friend, (possibly Mr.
Gough, who is known to have supplied other Translations from the

On the Seal of Evesham Abbey.

Saxon in the same work,) Eovephe ^en et ie Ait pap pjfin [evidently
misprinted for pap ppin] Coplimen clepet ^is Goviphom. Eoveshe
servus apud insulam Ait erat porcorum , rustici homines vocant hanc
Eovesi habitationem.

Tindai (History of Evesham, p. 142,) copies this reading, and adds,
by way of English Translation, “ Eoveshe was Keeper of swine at the
Island Ait. The country people call this the habitation of Eoves.” Your
worthy Member, Edward Rudge, Esq. F.R. S. (proprietor of the
manor, site, and demesne lands of the Monastery) in a communica¬
tion to the Editors of the New Monasticon, Yol. ii. p. 13, has adopted
the following interpretation :

“ EOVES. HER. WENEDE. MIT. WAS. SWIN.

“ ECGWIN. CLEPET. VIS. EOVISHOM.

“ Eoves here wended with his swine,

“ Ecgwin named [it] Vic Eovishom.”

The true reading is evidently thus :

^ eoves. hcr. woNeoe. ant. was. swon.

FOR. FT. MeN. CLePeT. jtfS. eOVeSHOM.

Eoves here dwelt and was a swain.

For why [i.e. the cause why] men call this Eoveshom.

With regard to SWON for Swain, Lye’s Dictionary refers us front
SUON to Swan , which latter word is explained “ bubulcus.” Inde
nostra Swaine, &c.”

The upper compartment exhibits the Blessed Virgin appearing to
Eoves, who is sealed under a tree, with his hands in the attitude of
devotion; and her subsequent interview with Bishop Egwin, who on
his knees is receiving her directions to found a Church in that place ;
the representation of such an Edifice being pointed to, by a cross
which she holds sceptre- wise in her hand, and her injunction expressed
by the words, GCC6. LOG9. QVG. GLGGI. The circumscription of
the whole is SIGILLVM. SANCTG. MARIG. ET SANTI. [not
Sancti] GCGWINl. GPI. GOVGSDAMGNSIS. MONASTGRII.

On the Seal of Evesham Abbey

Reverse. Bishop Egwin is seen in the upper compartment presenting
his Church to the Virgin, and, in the lower, receiving (not from a
King, attended by a Queen and an Officer, as Dr. Nash supposes,
but) from his three Royal Patrons , Etheldred, Kenred, and Offa, a
Charter of Privileges, inscribed DAMVS RGGIG LIBGRTATI, to
which is appendant a Seal, charged with three Lions passant guardant.
The circumscription has been thus given by Dr. Nash (ut supra)

DICTIS. G . VfcGRATRINI. OMNIBVS. VNDG. PIG.

NITET. AVLA. SAC. MARIG: which is repeated by Tindal, p. 143,
who supplies the second word with GCGWINI. Mr. Rudge proposes

DICTIS. ECGWINI. DAN . FRATRI. RI. OMNIBUS. UNDE.

PIE. NITET. AULA . SACRAE. MARIE. The restored out¬

line clearly produces these two leonine verses :

DICTIS. GCGWINI. DANT. R6G6S. MVNCRA. TRINI.

OMNIBVS. VNDG. PI6. NITCT. AULA. SACRA. MARIG.

Which may be thus rendered, in a homely, though almost literal,
English couplet :

At Ecgvvin’s call, three Kings with bounty come.

Whence godly prospers Mary’s sacred dome.

Judging from the form of the letters, I cannot assign an earlier
date to the seal than the beginning of the fifteenth Century, or
during the Abbacy of Richard de Bromsgrove (from A. D. 1418 to
1435) whose Correspondent Richard Leyot, in a Letter published by
Nash and Tindal, repeatedly uses the conjunction and with the same
orthography as upon the obverse. For instance : — “ I recomaunde
me to your goode ant bountenouse fadrehede — desiryng ever the
welfare ant the felicite of your reverent fadrehede, as of myself.”

As my impressions of the Seal accompany these observations, the
Society will have an opportunity of determining for themselves how
far the proposed reading of the Inscriptions may be relied on : though
I think I may venture to assert that there is authority for every word

*7. Ifa-tirr feu fp .

in Worcestershire.

of the disputable parts, excepting only the first and the last of the
obverse, viz. DICTIS and MARIG, which Mr. Tindal’s plate has
supplied.

Dr. Nash, Mr. Tindal, and Mr. Rudge have been more or less mis¬
led upon the subject, partly by imperfect impressions of the reverse,
and partly by another matrix of the obverse (which is still in exist¬
ence, and in the possession of a gentleman at Hartlebury) executed
by a workman ignorant of the Saxon characters, though we are not,
on that consideration, less indebted to them for their several and in¬
genious remarks.

VIII, Some Observations on an Antique Bas-relief, on which the
Evil Eye , or Fascinum , is represented. By James Mill in gen,
Esq. F.S.A.

Read 8th Jan. 1818.

I^he monument of which a drawing is presented to this learned So¬
ciety, (see PI. VI.) is the only one of the kind that has been hitherto
discovered. It is interesting not only from its singularity, but as
illustrating various doubtful points of antiquity.

The original is a Bas-relief in marble, double the size of the draw ¬
ing. In the centre, a human eye is represented, with the lids and
brow'. A male figure, the head covered with a Phrygian tiara, is sit¬
ting on the eye in an indecorous posture. On one side is a gladiator,
wearing the girdle called subligaculum ; holding in one hand a short
sword, and in the other a kind of trident, (fuscina) with which he
strikes the eye. The gladiators who used weapons of this kind were
called Myrmillones. A similar figure was probably on the opposite
side of the bas-relief which is now wanting. On the lower part, are
five animals ; a lion, a serpent, a scorpion, a crane, and a crow, who
all attack the_eye with great fury.

On a mature consideration of this monument, no doubt can be en¬
tertained but that the evil eye or Fascinum is here represented.

It was an ancient superstition, that some persons were endued with
the power of injuring those on whom they cast a hostile or envious
look. The eyes of such persons were supposed to dart noxious rays
fatal to every object on which they were fixed. This power of in¬
juring with the eye was called B aoicavla by the Greeks, and Fascinatio
by the Romans. Several writers a who have collected the testimonies
of the ancients concerning it, may be consulted for particulars.

a Alsarius de Fascino. Antiq. Roman, a Gnevio, tom. xii. p. 885. Potter Archaeol. Grjeca.
iib. ii. cap. 18.

Observations on an Antique Bas-relief.

Those who enjoyed great prosperity, or met with any extraordinary
good fortune, such as were too much elated by praise and flattery,
were more particularly liable to the effects of fascination. Hence
when the Romans praised any thing or person, they used to add,
Prof semi , or Profs cine dixerim , to avert any fascination that might
ensue, and to prove that their praise w as sincere.

It is remarkable that the same superstition prevails to the present
day in several parts of the world, even in the northern part of our
Island, and in Ireland. In Greece it is called, kuko juan, and its effects
are averted by spitting, a in the same manner as w as practised by the
ancients against fascination b and ill omens of every kind. In Italy
it is called the Mal-occhio , and among the lower orders of people, its
effects are supposed to be very powerful and fatal. When praise
is bestowed on beauty, riches, or any other advantages, the person
praised immediately exclaims, “ se mal-occhio non vi fosse from
an apprehension that the praise may not be sincere, but proceed solely
from a malicious intention to injure. This exclamation is accompanied
with a sign of the hand imitating the phallus, or by holding up pieces
of coral, shells, or various kinds of stones, worn as amulets.

The animals on the lower part of the bas-relief are Mithraic, they
attack the eye in order to avert its evil effects. The figure with a
tiara is Mithras, who is usually represented as a young man in a similar
dress. The crow, the scorpion, and the serpent, are animals commonly
seen on Mithraic monuments/ The lion was also consecrated to the
same divinity, in whose ceremonies those who were initiated bore
the name of lions, and appeared disguised in the skins of that animal.
The crane, which w as the symbol of Piety, appears here for the first
time among the Mithraic animals.

a I am indebted for this information respecting the prevalence of the superstition of the
evil eye in Greece to my friend Mr. Dodwell.

b fis (/.it B<x<7xx*9u St rpis tir e//.o» ETflvax jcoXwok. Theocr. Idyl. vi. v. 39.

c Turre, Monum. Vet. Antii Roma 1700, p. 157, and Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino,
tom. vii. p. 10.

Observations on an Antique Bas-relief,

The belief in fascination is extremely ancient, and appears to have
originated in Africa. It is connected with the story of Medusa and
the Gorgons, whose eyes caused immediate destruction. Hence the
artifice to which Perseus had recourse in cutting off Medusa’s head.
Some author’s describe the Gorgons as having but one which they
used alternately/ From this source the superstition of the evil eye is
probably derived.

The ancients employed various methods to avert the effects of fas¬
cination. Sometimes necklaces composed of shells, coral, and various
sorts of stones, rough or engraved, particularly jasper, were used.
But the charm most generally employed was the phallus , which on
that account was placed on the doors of houses and gardens, on ter¬
minal figures, and was hung about the necks of women and children.
In general any obscene or ludicrous action or figures were thought
efficacious ; which accounts for the indecorous posture of the figure
of Mithras in this monument. The Italian sailors at the present day,
when the wind is contrary, think to dispel it, by turning themselves
in a similar manner towards the point from which it blows.

A representation of the object possessing the power of fascination
was also considered as a preservative or amulet. It is for this reason
that we meet so frequently with the yopyovuov, or head of Medusa, on
ancient gems, and on the coins of a great number of cities. b From
Euripides0 we learn that numbers of similar figures were placed around
the temple of Delphi. The opinion of Eckhell d that these masks repre¬
sent the moon appears unfounded. The head of Medusa is frequently
placed on the egis of Jupiter, on that of Minerva, and on the shields
and armours of warriors, as an amulet and as an object of terror to
the foe. It is sometimes remarkable by the action of putting out the
tongue, any ridiculous or obscene action being considered, as I have
already remarked, a preservative against fascination.

An eye is sometimes represented on the shields of warriors ; e and

a Aeschylus. Prometheus, v. 794. b The yopyomo* was placed in the temple of

Minerva Polias at Athens. Eustat. in Homer. Iliad, p. 1704, 1. 32. c Ion. 225.

d Numi Vet. Anecdoti, p. 12, et seqq. e Millingen. Vases de Sir John Coghill, p. 14,

on which the Evil Eye , or Fascinum , is represented.

frequently on the sides of ancient vessels near the prow. Even at
present, it is sometimes painted on the forepart of the Sicilian and
Maltese feluccas.

Winkelman a who made the remark, confessed that he could not
account for this custom ; but may we not infer by analogy that it
was considered as an amulet ?

The superstition of the evil eye was intimately connected with the
goddess Nemesis. Pliny b says that at Rome sacrifices of a particular
nature were offered to Nemesis with a view to avert fascination.
This goddess was revered as the avenger of injuries, who punished
such as prosperity had made insolent. There was, however, another
Nemesis, c whose attributes were of a more odious nature, and who
was considered as the deity of envy.

A terra-cotta bas-relief published by Winkelman, d represents a
female figure holding a basket of figs, among which is a phallus ; a
winged figure standing by, turns aside terrified at the sight. Win¬
kelman supposes this to be the goddess Pudicitia, but in my opinion
it is Nemesis, who is deterred by the powerful spell of the phallus
from injuring the fruits of the earth with the eye of envy.

In the British Museum e is a similar bas-relief, where a Satyr is
added, which shows that the scene takes place during a festival of
Bacchus. The basket of figs is an offering to that god, 1 who was con¬
sidered not only as the giver of wine, but of all the fruits of the
earth, whence he is called u^Zios 0 eo(. g

From the style of workmanship, it would appear that the origin of
the singular monument which forms the subject of this memoir may
be assigned to the time of Septimus Severus, when the worship of

a Monumenti Inediti, tom. ii. p. 26. b Hist. Nat. lib. xxviii. cap. 5.

c Hesiod. d Monumenti Inediti, tom. ii. p. 32.

e Description of Antient Terra-cottas, pi. xvi. p. 27.

: The fig was particularly held sacred to Bacchus. A vessel of wine and a basket of figs
were in early times the rewards for Comedy. Plutarch de Divit.

s Aristophanes, Ranae v. 307.

VOL. XIX.

Observations on an Antique Bas-relief ’ fyc.

Mithras began to be widely diffused in the western part of the
Roman empire.

The circumstance of a gladiator being represented, leads to a con¬
jecture that it was executed for a lanista, or director of a troop of gla¬
diators, who was at the same time a votary of Mithras. It may have
been placed over the entrance or on some part of his house, as a
charm against the baneful effects of the evil eye.

r/<tu vi

VOL X/X.p.;.,

IX. Observations on the Site of the Priory of Halywell in Warwick¬
shire, a Celt to Roucester Abbey in the County of Stafford. By
William Hamper, Esq. In a letter addressed to Henry
Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 22d Jan. 1818.

Deritend House, Birmingham, Dec. 17, 1817-

DEAR SIR,

The subject of the following Observations having been already
brought before the Society of Antiquaries, no apology will, 1 trust,
be deemed necessary, for my requesting you to do me the honour of
presenting them to that learned body.

I remain, dear Sir,

Yours very sincerely,

Wm. HAMPER.

Hknky Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Sec. S.A.

Bishop Tanner in his Notitia Monastica, under Warwickshire, Ar¬
ticle XIII. places the Austin Cell of “ Halyivell upon Watling Street , 5
and describes it as “a Cell or chantry of Black Canons belonging to
the Abbey of Roucester in Staffordshire, which on account of its soli¬
tary and dangerous situation was, 19 Edw. II. A. D. 1325, removed
to the conventual church of the Abbey. ” He then adds, as his au¬
thority, the following extract from the Patent Roll of that year, p. 1.
m. 10. “ Rex concessit Abbati de Roucestre in Dovedale, quod ipse

Capellam de Halywell in com. Warwic. quae sita est in loco solitario et
periculoso, super regiam stratam de Watlyng Strete, ubi latrones fre¬
quenter latitant et canonicos ibidem morantes depredantur, a loco illo
amovere, et cantariam pro animabus Roberti de Cotes et Ricardi Filon
[Fiton] in eadem capella dudum ordinatam in ecclesia conventuali

l 2

On the Site of the Priory of

ipsius Abbatis de Roucestre facere et sustentare, ac duas virgatas
teme et dimid. cum pertinentijs, in Halywell, Churchwaure, et Clifton,
quas idem Abbas tenet pro cantaria ilia praedicta facienda et susten-
tanda, libere retinere, &c. ”

Dugdale does not notice this ancient religious establishment ; and
from the circumstance of finding no place now known by the name
of Halywell, either upon or near the Watling Street, your worthy
Secretary, Mr. Carlisle, in the Sixteenth Volume of the Archaeologia,
p. 326, conjecturally places it at Stonythorpe near Southam , in another
part of Warwickshire, where a spring of fine clear water is still called
Holywell, or Halywell ; observing at the same time, that, “ as the
Roman Fosse Way running northward out of Gloucestershire, is about
two miles and three quarters from hence, and the Watling Street being
far distant from it, it would seem more proper to designate this Cell,
Halywell near the Fosse Way, than upon the Watling Street.

The result, however, of a recent investigation, in company with my
Friend Abraham Grimes, Esq. of Coton House, the proprietor of the
estate, joined to the advantage of reference to his Title Deeds, enables
me to fix its site at Cave's Inn , upon the Watling Street, in the manor
of Coton, and parish of Church Over ; where a rapid and unceasing
spring still preserves the character of the spot, though the tradition
of its former sanctity and importance has totally ceased ; and where
in the year 1791, in sinking the foundation for the present Inn, which
succeeded a decayed half-timbered house, several bushels of human
bones were discovered. Cave’s Inn was so denominated, as will be
seen below, from its occupier Edward Cave, grandfather of the ori¬
ginal projector of the Gentleman’s Magazine, whose biographer, Dr.
Johnson, calls it “ Cave’s in the hole , a lone house on the street road, ”
adopting the very phraseology of the above-recited Patent, in the
19th Edw. II. “ — in loco solitario — super regiam stratam de Watlyng
Strete. ”

I shall now proceed, as far as my scanty materials will allow, to
trace the history of this long-neglected place ; premising that your

Iialywell in Warwickshire.

worthy member Mr. Caley, did me the favour to examine the Mini¬
ster’s Accompts and various other Records in the Augmentation Of¬
fice, relative to Roucester Abbey, both before and after the Dissolu¬
tion, without finding one word of Halywell, though, as he observes,
“ it undoubtedly belonged to it at an early period, as is apparent both
from the Patent and Close Rolls.” Robert de Cotes and Richard
Fiton, whose Chantry was here established, were cotemporaries, or
nearly so, the former residing at Cotes, or Coton, in 1206, a and the
latter at the adjoining parish of Shawell in the county of Leicester,
in 1235 ;b and it seems likely that its establishment took place between
the years 1240 and 1270. A.D. 1279, the following Inquisition
occurs : “ Shathewell [i. e. Shawell] est de feodoVerdon, et Willielmus
Fyton tenet in eadem quartam partem unius feodi militis, &c. Item.
Prior de Halywell , et Abbas de Croxton, [quere, if not a clerical error
for Roucester ] tenent duas virgatas terrae in perpetuam eleemosynam ;
quo warranto ignorant.” c

The following process concerning a boundary ditch at Shawell, is
undated. “ Prior de Haliwell nihil capit per assizam versus Thomam
Fithon, Alanum Ram, &c. de fossato quodam levato in Chaw ell. ”d
A.D. 1291, in the Taxation of Pope Nicholas IY. the Abbat of
Roucester is rated Twenty-six Shillings and Eight Pence, for Tempo¬
ralities within the Archdeaconry of Leicester, fol. 109, b. which sub¬
sequently appear, fol. 119, b. to have been in the Deanry of Gudlak-
ston, doubtless at Shawell beforementioned. A.D. 1301, Pope Boni¬
face VIII. in a Bull of Confirmation and Protection to the Abbat and
Convent of Roucester, of which a curious early English Translation
is now before me, recognizes, inter alia, their “ Chirche of Seint Gyles
of Halywel.”

Bishop Tanner, under Roucester, Notitia Monastica, Article XXL
in Staffordshire, refers to the Patent Roll, 11 Edw. II. p. 2, m. 35,
for an entry, “ de messuagijs et terris in Holm juxta Clifton,” [now

a Dugdale’s Wanvicksh. edit. Thomas, p. 12. h Nichols’s Leicestersh. vol. iv. p. 335.

c Nichols’s Leicest. vol. iv. p. 336, from Esc. 7 Edw. I. d Ibid, p.336, from Mr. Roper’s MSS.

78 Priory of Halywell in Warwickshire.

called Biggin , and lying contiguous to Cave’s Inn] ; and to Dods-
worth’s MSS. in the Bodleian Library, for “ Preceptum Regis de
Capella de Haliwell , in com. Warwic. habenda Abbati et Conventui ;”
also to the Close Roll of the 14th year of that King.

A.D. 1325, 19 Edw. II. license was obtained, as has been before
observed, to remove the establishment at Halywell to the Conventual
Church of Roucester, for which the Abbat paid a fine of Twenty Shil¬
lings;3 and from that time, for a period of two hundred and sixty
years, viz. till the 28th of Queen Elizabeth, A.D. 1585, I find no
traces of it ; when “ a close or pasture, in Coton, called Hallowell
occurs as part of the possessions of Elizabeth Dixwell, widow, by
whose family it was probably purchased at the dissolution.

A.D. 1634, the premises are let upon lease, for six years, to Nicolas
Day of Daventry, Millwright, by the name of “ Hollyiuell house” with
six acres of land adjoining; and in 1657, described in a Deed, as
“ all that auncient message or tenement now beinge in the tenure of
one Edward Cave , and commonly called The New Inne , alias Hallowell
howse, and all those closes commonly called Hallowell close and Hallo¬
well meadow.’’

In the last named year, 1657, Elias Ashmole, Esq. writing to Dug-
dale on the subject of Roman Antiquities in this neighbourhood, says,
“ a mile further [from Lilburn], in the valley, stands a house called
The New Inn, distinguished only by its lying under Shawell. Mine
host told me it had been an Abbey called Holywell .” b

A.D. 1687, Brent Dixwell, Esq. grants a lease of it, for sixty years,
to Edward Cave, by the concise designation of “ The Neiv Inn ;” and,
the name of the tenant ultimately prevailing, the place from thence¬
forward appears to have been known only, as it is at present, by the
appellation of Caves Inn : to the utter exclusion and extinction of its
once celebrated name of Halywell.

b Nichols’s Leicestersh. ut supra, p. 82.

* Abbreviatio Rot. Orig. Ro. 11.

X. Account of the Lottery of 1567, being the first upon Record ,
in a Letter from William Bray, Esq. Treasurer , addressed
to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 29th Jan. ISIS.

DEAR SIR,

Amongst many curious papers at Mr. Molyneux’s ancient seat at
Loseley in Surrey, some of which I have, with his permission, laid be¬
fore the Society, is one which perhaps at this time is unique, and as
such not altogether unworthy of notice, though it is only a Scheme
for a Lottery ; it is, however, of so early a date as 1567, and is the
first Lottery of which I have found mention, though such there may
have been earlier. If you think it worth laying before the Society
you will please to do so.

I am, Sir,

Your very obedient humble servant,

W. BRAY.

Great Russell-street, 27th Jan. 1818.

Mr. Stow tells us under the year 1569, that “ a great Lottery being
holden at London in Paule’s Church-yard, at the West doore, was
begun to be drawne the 11th of January, and continued day and
night, till the sixth of May, wherein the sayd drawing was fully
ended.” “

This was the Lottery for which the following proposals were issued by
the Queen’s authority. At the top of the sheet is this title : “ A VERA

s Annales, edit. 1631, p. 663.

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

RICH LOTTER1E GENERALL, WITHOUT ANY BLANCKES;”
under this is a copper, or wood plate, in the center of which are the
Queen’s arms, supported by a lion and griffin, with the motto of the
Garter ; on one side of this is a view of London, “ Civitas Londinum,”
in which the church of St. Paul’s with its very lofty spire makes a
conspicuous figure. On the other side is a hill with four large trees
on the top ; in the bottom between that and another hill, and behind
the supporters, is seen a continuation of the houses of the city. Be¬
low the Royal arms are those of the City of London, immediately under
which in the center is a large coffer full of pieces of money, below
that are several bags also full of money; and various articles of plate,
forming part of the prizes, are exhibited on seven shelves on each side,
consisting of cups, vases, beakers, spoons, &c. with bags of money
interspersed. At the bottom in the center is the Judgment of Solomon,
a man holding a child in one hand, a sword in the other ready to divide
it, the mother on her knees, the other woman standing unconcerned.

Underneath these is the following :

“ A very rich Lotterie generall, without any blanckes, containing a
great number of good prices, as wel of redy money as of plate and
certaine sorts of merchandizees, hauing ben valued and priced by the

commaundment of the Queenesmost excellet Majestie, by men expert
and skillfull : and the same Lotterie is erected by hir Majesties order,
to the intent that suche commoditie as may chaunce to arise thereof
after the charges borne, may be converted towards the restoration of
the Havens and strengthening of the Realme, and towardes such pub-
lique good workes. The number of Lots shall be four hundreth thou¬
sand, and no more : and [the price of] every Lot shall be the sumnie
of Tenne Shillings sterling onely, and no more.”

“ Three Welcomes.”

“ The first person to whom any Lot shall happen, shall have for his
welcome (besides the advauntage of his adventure) the value of fiftie
poundes sterling in a peice of sylver plate gilte.

“ The second £30 1

“ The third £20 $

in Plate.

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

“ The Prices.”

“ Whosoever shall winne the greatest and most excellent price,
shall receive the value of five thousand e poundes sterling, that is to
say, £3000 in ready money, £700 in plate gilte and white, and the
rest in good tapisserie meete for hangings and other covertures, and
certaine sortes of good linnen cloth.”

“ Second great price, £3500, i.e. £2000 in money, £600 in plate,
and the rest in tapisserie and linnen.”

It goes on in like manner to 11 more, diminishing in value, the last
being £ 140. Then, various prizes from £ 100 to 14 shillings.

12 prices

of £100

0 each N

24 -

60 -

90 -

- 22

114 -

120 -

150 -

200 -

300 -

500 -

0 in plate

500 -

10 money

2000 -

0 in plate

6000 -

5 '

10,000 -

> money

9,418 -

14 J

Part in money, part in
plate and goods.

All the rest 2s. 6d. at least in money.

“ Conditions ordained for the advauntage of the Adventurers in this
Lotterie, bysides the prices before mentioned in the Charte.

“ The Queenes Majestie of hir power royall giveth libertie to all
maner of persons that will adventure any Money in this Lotterie to
resort to the places underwrytten and to abyde and depart from the
same in maner and forme following : that is to sav to the Citie ef

C.7 *

VOL. XIX.

Scheme foy' the Lottery of 1 567-

London at any time within the space of one moneth next following
the feast of S. Bartholomew in this present yeare 1567, and there to
remaine seven days : and to these Cities and Townes folowing, Yorke,
Norwich, Exceter, Lincolne, Coventrie, Southampton, Hull, Bristoll,
Newcastell, Chester, Ipswich, Sarisbury, Oxforde, Cambridge, and
Shrewesbury, in the Realme of Englande, and Dublyn and Water-
forde in the Realme of Ireland, at any time within the space of three
weekes next after the publication of this Lotterie in euery of the sayd
severall places, and there to remaine also seven whole days without
any molestation or arrest of them for any maner of offense, saving
treason, murder, pyracie, or any other felonie, or for breach of hir
Majesties peace, during the time of their comming, abidyng, or re-
tourne.

“ And that every person adventuring their money in this Lotterie
may haue the like libertie in comming and departing to and from the
Citie of London during all the time of the reading of the same Lot¬
terie, untill the last adenture be to them answered.

“ Whoso shall under one devise, prose or poesie, adventure to the
number of thirtie Lotts or upwards within three months next after
S. Bartholomew, and gaines not the third pennie of so much as they
shall haue adentured, the same third pennie, or so much as wanteth
of the same shall be allowed in a yearly pencion from the end of the
Lotterie.

“ Whosoever shall gaine the best, seconde, or thirde great price,
having not put in the posies whereunto the sayd prices shall be an¬
swerable into the Lotterie, within three months next after S‘ Barthw.
shall have abated out of the best price £150, the 2d, £100, the 3d,
£80, to be given to any Town corporate, haven, or to any other place,
for any good and charitable use, as the party shall name ; and for in¬
ferior prices £5 out of every hundred, to the like uses.

“ Whoever having put in 30 Lottes under one device or poesie within
the 3 moneths shall win the last Lot of all, if before that Lot wonne he
have not gained so much as hath by him ben put in, shall for his long

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

tarying and yll fortune be comforted with the reward of £200, and
for every Lot that he shall have put in bisydes the said 30 Lots, he
shall have 20s. sterling.

“The last Lot save one, £100, and above 30, 10s.

“ Whoso takes from 40 Lots upwards under one devise or poesie, may
lay down half in money and give bond for the other half to the Com-
missr. for the Citie orTowne where the party shall pay his money,
with condition to pay in 6 weekes before the day appointed for the
Reading of the Lotterie, which day of Reading shall begin in the
Citie of London the 25 June next.

“ If the Reading is prolonged for any urgent cause, the party having
paid his money shall be allowed ten in the hundred till the very day
of the first Reading.

“ Prices to be delivered the next day, and being a stranger bom, he
shall have libertie to convert the same, being money, into wares, to
be exported, paying only half custom and duties.

“ If any one have 3 of his owne posies or devices coming immediately
after one another, (being put in within the 3 moneths) he shall have
£3 besides the prices.

4 - - - £ 6

5 - - - - 10

6 - - - - 25

7 - - - - 100

8 - - - 200

for every increase of number £100.

“ The Collectors to bring in their bookes by 1 May next.

“ Hir Majestie and the Citie of London will answer for the prices.

“ The shewe of the prices and rewardes shall be seene in Cheap-
syde, London, at the sign of hir Majesties arms in the house of
M. Dericke, Goldsmith, servant to hir Majestie.

“ God save the Queene.

“ Imprinted at London, in Paternoster-row,
by Henrie Bynneman, anno 1567.”

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

A proclamation was issued by the Lord Mayor of London, that the
Lord Mayor, his brethren the Aldermen, with the assent of the Com¬
mon Councel, declared that the Adventurers in this Lottery should be
duly answered ; that the Reading of the Lottery should not be deferred
beyond the 25 June then next, without urgent cause, and at farthest
not beyond the feast of the Purification of Saint Marie the Virgin,
1568. [1568-9]

These papers were sent to the principal Gentlemen of the Counties,
to be circulated by them, and they were accompanied with the fol¬
lowing letter, under the Queen’s Sign Manual.

“ ELIZABETH R.

Trustie and welbeloved we grete you well where we have comaunded

a . . . . Cart of a lotterie to be published . SheryfF of that .

in the pryncypall towne of the coun . . wch we send youe . copyes

for the further execusion . . . reof it is expedient .... some psons

appoynted of good ... to receave such . somes as or subjectes

shall of theire o . . free disposition be . to delyver uppon the

said lotterye wch .... shall wthout faile . . duelie answered as their
adventures shall happen wthout eytlier doupt or delaye ; we have
thought meet to recomende the choyse of the Collectors requisite to
be had in the said Countie to yor cosideracon and therefore we will
and require you imediatlie uppon the receipt hereof first to conferre
wth this boarde and thereuppo after you shall have beene well in¬
structed, to make choyse of such and so many Collectors wthin that
Countie as for the circustance of that matter you shall fynd mete and
requisite, as well for their trust as for convenient knowledge, and to
the intent the chardgis as well of the said Collectors, for the gather-
inge, as other charges for the sauf kepinge and bringinge up to the
chamber of or Citie of London may be well and duelie rewarded it
is ordered that for every pounde sterling that shall be by yo' meanes
in this sort wthin that Countie collected and sent up, there shall be al¬
lowed uppon every pounde sixe pence, whereof you shall limytte to

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

the inferyor collectors" such porc5n as ye shall thinke mete, and the
rest to such other as by yor order shall take the chardge to bringe and
pay the same to the said Chamber of London, of wch we require you
allso to make good choyse : and to the intent the Collectors may be
orderly aunswered we will you shall appoint such psons as be suffi¬
cient, of whom you shall take bondes to or use in such somes of
money as shall amount to the doueble quantitie and value of the
Billettes stamped wch you shall delyvr wth the bookes of nombers to
the said Collectors according to such instruccons as youe shall bane
by this bearer. And fynallie we require you to use all good meanes
to further this service, for that you may be well assured, that evJy
pson shalbe duelie answered of that wch you shall cause to be paid
into the Chamber of London accordinge as is promised and contained
in the Cart printed. And whatsoever may or shall happen to aryse
after all chardges borne any thing advantagious is ordered to be em¬
ployed to good and publique use beneficiall for or Realme and sub¬
jects, and if any malicious or suspicious persons shall seke to devyse
or . . . ent doubtes in any . . . subjectes myndes of any other use ....
mente they playne . . . good we would have you to disuade . . same

consideringe .... both well foreseene and determined . yd all

mann’ of ... . and after yor dissuasion, if . . . shall notwithstanding the
same willfullie reiterate .... doubtfull matter ... an offence or

myslikinge amongst or subjectes, Our pleasure is that yow do cause
the same to . . apprehended, used, and punished as psons chargeable w,h
slaunderous reportes according to the lawes of or Realme therefore
provided. Geven under our Signet at our Castle of Wyndsor the last
of August 1567 the nynth yere of or reign.

Postscripta. It is ment also for a further rewarde that for e9y fyve
hundred poundes that you shall cause to be sent to the Chamber of
the Citie of London there shalbe allowed besides the some wthin
menconed, fyftie shillings.”

(The seal broken off.)

“ To our trusty and welbeloved Willm. Moore, Esquier.'

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

Amongst the inducements to adventurers one is a suspension of Law
by the Queen’s Prerogative. A man who might be desirous of pay¬
ing his Creditor by the obtaining one of the great prizes, but might
be a little shy of meeting him in the mean time, might go to London,
or any of the great Towns where these Plans, or Charts as they are
called, were to be seen, remain there 7 days, and return home, exempt
from arrest by any civil process.

Tempting however as the offers were, a sufficient number of adven¬
turers had not been induced to risque their money, for on the 3d day
of January following, the Queen issued a proclamation that in sundrie
parts of the Realme the principal persons appointed to be Treasurers
had not received their instructions in due time, some were dead, and
some too much engaged in publick affairs to attend to this, so that
the three months after S‘ Barthw passed over to the detriment of the
adventurers, and therefore extending the advantages of those three
months to a further term of three months from the 24th of December
then last.

The whole number of prizes was 29,988, the value of which in
money and goods was about £55,000, exclusive of the rewards for the
“ comfort’’ of the adventurers, attached to some circumstances, and
the sum of 2s. 6d. to be given to each of the remaining Tickets ; to
this is to be added the charges of collecting, and paying, and ma¬
naging, so that if the whole number of tickets was purchased, the
nett produce would probably be about £ 100,000.

From the expression of “ Reading the Lottery,” it seems that each
adventurer, on paying his money, gave a device in prose or poetry,
one of which, drawn we must suppose from the general collection by
persons appointed for that purpose, was attached to some one prize,
and that on what we now call drawing the Lottery, this device was
publickly read.

Mr. Stow also tells us that “ in 1586 a Lottery for marveilous rich
and beautiful armour was begun to be drawne at London in Saint

Scheme for the Lottery of 1567.

Paules Churchyard, at the great West gate (an house of timber and
boord being there erected for that purpose) on Saint Peters day in the
morning, which lottery continued in draAving day and night, for the
space of two or three dayes.”

There was another Lottery in the time of King James I.

XI. Observations on an Historical Fact supposed to be established
by the Bayeux Tapestry. By Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A.
in a Letter addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.B.S. Secretary.

Read 26th Feb. 1818.

Downing-street, Feb. 24, 1818.

DEAR SIR,

I n an interesting paper which has been recently published by the
Society, entitled “ Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry, ”a that very
curious monument of antiquity is said to contain “ an Apologetical
History of the Claims of William to the Crown of England, and of
the breach of faith and fall of Harold.” The historical fact which the
tapestry is supposed to establish, namely, that of Harold’s mission to
Normandy by the Confessor to offer the succession to William, is so
important if true, and is at the same time involved in so much doubt
and obscurity, that I shall perhaps be pardoned if I venture to offer a
brief notice and examination of the original authorities which have a
reference to the subject. I should not indeed have presumed to solicit
the attention of the Society to this discussion, if the Tapestry itself
had not been rendered highly interesting to us by the striking and
elegant delineations of it which now adorn our walls.

It is agreed, I believe, by all the Historians of the times, that Harold
was shipwrecked on the coast of Picardy — that he was there made a
prisoner by Guy Earl of Ponthieu — that he was released at the in¬
stance of the Duke of Normandy — and that he then proceeded to the
Court of that Prince, where he was treated with great hospitality and
distinction. It is equally indisputable that, while at the Norman
Court, Harold, by whatever motives actuated, bound himself by a
solemn oath to support William's claim to the English succession.

1 Archaelog. Vol. XVIII. p. 359.

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry. 89

The occasion of Harold’s voyage is the only fact which has been the
subject of contention.

Concerning this fact there are three distinct stories.

The first of them is, that Harold merely went out to sea on a fishing
party from his country seat at Boseham, and was driven by a stonn
on the opposite coast. The earliest authority for this statement
seems to be William of Malmsbury, the most learned, vigorous, and
esteemed historian of his age. He admits indeed that another story
was in circulation, for he says that it was held by some persons that
Harold was sent to Normandy by the King ; a but lie gives the former
account as that which appeared to him to be nearest to the truth,
adding that the story of the mission was craftily fabricated by Harold
in his confinement, for the purpose of inducing William to enforce
his liberation. I am not aware that this statement is confirmed by
any contemporary writer ; b but it was adopted above a century after¬
wards by Matthew Paris, c an author justly valued for his judgment
and fidelity, and subsequently by Matthew of Westminster/ who, how¬
ever his merits may have been overrated, was at least one of the most
popular of the monkish historians.

A second account of this transaction is, that Harold went to Nor¬
mandy with the permission, though contrary to the advice of King
Edward, for the purpose of procuring the liberty of his Brother and
Nephew, whom William had detained as hostages. This statement
appears to have been originally, as well as very circumstantially given
by Eadmer,* a nearly contemporary writer, of considerable elegance
for the times in which he lived, and much esteemed for his veracity.
He was followed by Simeon of Purham/ whose History closes a few

* Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum, p. 93, edit.
Francof. 1601.

k Henry of Huntingdon assigns no motive for the Voyage, as he only says “ Haroldus vero
transiens in Flandriam, tempestate compulsus est in Ponticam provineiam,” p. 366, edit. 1601.

c P. 1, edit. 1640, a Wats. Milton has made a distinction between the statements given by
Malmsbury and Matthew Paris, but they will appear on comparison to be the same in effect.

* P. 426, edit. 1570. e P. 4, edit. Selden, 1623. f Twysden. Script, x. col. 195.

VOL. XIX.

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry .

years after that of Eadmer, by Alfred of Beverley,8 and by Roger
Hoveden.b The latter writer only is quoted as to this fact by Baron
Maseres, in his useful volume of Extracts from the Norman Histo-
rians.c It appears to have escaped the learned and venerable editor
that there were at least three older and better authorities on this point
than Hoveden, who did not write till about a century after Eadmer,
and has nearly transcribed his words. Brompton,d Diceto,6 Knighton,
Higden, 8 Hemingford, h and some later historians have adopted this
tale of Harold’s Voyage for the liberation of his relatives.

The third statement, and that which the Tapestry has been sup¬
posed to establish, is, that Harold was sent to Normandy by Edward
expressly for the purpose of offering the succession to William, or
rather of confirming an offer of it which had been previously made to
him. For this account Mr. Lethieullier, in the Introduction to his
Description of the Tapestry,1 has referred to lngulphus. But that
writer (as Baron Maseres has already observed) makes no such state¬
ment. His words are merely “ Haroldus Major Domus Regite veniens
in Normanniam, &c. ” without pretending that the King had sent him
thither. k The earliest writer by whom the story of the mission ap¬
pears to have been related is William of Poitiers, the biographer and

* P. 125, edit. 1716, a Hearne. Eadmer, Simeon, and Alfred were contemporary writers.
The first appears to have died in 1124, the second about 1130, and the last, according to
Bale and Pits, in 1136, but according to Vossius, about ten years earlier. On a comparison
of these three writers, I think no doubt can be entertained of the priority of Eadmer’s account
of this transaction. It should be observed too that Eadmer was the companion and biographer
of Archbishop Anselm, who at the time of the conquest was Abbot of Caen in Normandy,
and was likely to be well acquainted with the transactions of that period, his knowledge of
which he probably communicated to his friend and follower.

b Script, post Bedam. p. 449, edit. 1601. c P. 122.

3 Twysd. x. Script, col. 947. Brompton places Harold’s voyage as early as 1056. 1 am

not aware of his authority for this date. Other writers fix the period at about 1064.

e Twysd. col. 481. f Twysd. col. 2337. g Gale, tom. iii. p. 283.

h Gale, tom. ii. p. 456. ' Appendix to Ducarel’s Anglo-Norman Antiquities, p. 3.

k Gale, tom. i. p. 68. It is to be observed, however, that Mr. Turner has cited lngulphus in
support of the Norman story. History of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. p. 466, 4to. edit.

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

partizan of the Duke of Normandy. a His account is followed by two
other Norman Historians, William of Jumiegesb and Ordericus
Vitalise The latter indeed was an Englishman by birth, but was
sent at an early age to a Norman Convent, of which he became the
Historian. d

* Duchesne Hist. Norman, p. 191. b Ibid. p. 285. c Ibid. p. 492.

d The authority of the chronicler and poet Wace, though a Norman, does not confirm the
statement above referred to. In his History of the. Dukes of Normandy in the British
Museum, (Bibl. Reg. 4 C. xi. 9) he leaves the question undecided. Perhaps a short extract
or two from this very curious manuscript may not be wholly unacceptable. He begins the
story by a panegyrical description of Harold :

En la terre out un Senescal
Heraut, out no noble vassal
Por son pries & por sa bonte
Out el regne grant poeste —

Li plus fort hoem fu del pais
Fort fu domes, fort fu damis —

Engleterre out en sa baillie
Com hoem q’a Senechaucie, &c.

After tracing his pedigree he goes on to relate that Harold

En Normandie volt passer
Por les hostages delivrer,

which the king endeavoured to dissuade him from attempting. But W ace adds,

Issi lai io trove escrit,

Et uns altres livres me dit
Q’li Reis le roua aler
Por le realme asseurer
Al’ due Guill’ son cosin
Q’il leust empres la fin,

Helai mie certe achaison

Mais I’un S; V autre escrit trovon, &;c.

He then proceeds to give the story of the shipwreck and the oath, nearly in the manner in
which it is related by Eadmer.

In the MS. chronicle called “Le Brut,” also in the British Museum, (Lib. Cott.Vitellius A.X.)
which has been shewn by the Abbe de la Rue to have been versified by Wace, who was also
probably the author of the continuation of it, the story is related in a manner somewhat dif¬
fering from all the other accounts. It is there represented that Harold applied to Edward for

N 2

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

That the authority of the Tapestry is also in favour of this state¬
ment appears to me to be doubtful. Mr. Lethieullier indeed has
taken it for granted that Edward is represented as giving orders to
Harold to depart on his embassy; and the author of the late invalu¬
able History of the Anglo-Saxons has admitted the correctness of this
explanation. But, as Lord Lyttelton has observed, the inscription gives
no account of the commission or business on which Harold was going.
There is nothing in fact in this representation of the King and of
Harold which does not as well accord with the story related by
Eadmer; for the King may with equal justness be supposed to be in
the act of addressing Harold in the manner in which Eadmer asserts
he did address him, namely, by permitting his journey, but expressing
the strongest doubts of its success. The inscription, it may be re¬
marked, is sufficiently full and explicit in other parts of the Tapestry,
and if the Norman story was really the true one, it seems strange that
an opportunity should here have been neglected of asserting it in
unequivocal terms. This omission indeed is a stronger argument as
to the falsehood of the story than the assertion of it would have been
for its truth. For supposing the Tapestry to have been the work of
Queen Matilda (a point which is not meant to be here discussed) her
testimony could be of no value, as she would of course tell her story
in conformity with the declaration which her husband had found it
his interest publickly to promulgate. And supposing with Lord
Lyttelton that this interesting relick was the work of the Empress
Matilda in the following century, there would still have been motives
for adopting that story which was most favourable to the Norman
cause, while in point of time the authority of the Tapestry as a histo¬
rical document, would be considerably weakened. In either case, it

leave to pass over to Normandy, in order to speak to William, without assigning any other
purpose for his voyage ; that, without mention of the remarkable incident of the shipwreck,
he was graciously received by William ; and that after a visit of a month, William, on his
application for leave to depart, imposed on him his oath of allegiance. The conversations are
given in French verse, varying but little from Eadmer’s report of them.

Observations on the Bayeu.v Tapestry.

would of course tell the “ Court story,” as the Author of the recently
published Observations has properly expressed it.a

Upon a comparison of the above authorities, I certainly incline to
think that the Norman story is not the true one.

1st. Because it is only asserted by the Norman Historians; the
English writers, who were well enough affected towards William after
the Conquest, having given contrary accounts. b

*2dly. Because Ingulphus, the Secretary of William, who may be
presumed to have been desirous, as well as called upon by the duties
of his station, to confirm the assertion of his Master had he believed
it, does not confirm it.

3dly. Because it seems improbable that William, if he believed
Harold to be really Edward’s ambassador, would have imposed an
oath of allegiance on him, or that Harold would in that capacity have

a The real value of the tapestry appears to me to consist, not so much in its importance as
an historical document, as in the delineations which it contains of our ancient costume. Some
interesting memorials, however, it has undoubtedly preserved of various minute particulars
connected with the battle of Hastings, and which may be fairly admitted as correct, wherever
national or party feelings are not interested in their truth or falsehood. I will take this op¬
portunity of noticing, that among other forgotten fables of the times, Giraldus Cambrensis in
his Itinerary (edit. Francf. 1603, p. 874,)asserts that it was believed that Harold escaped from
the battle of Hastings, pierced with wounds, and with the loss of his left eye, and that he
ended his days holily and virtuously as an anchoret at Chester. This story was afterwards
quoted by Brompton, Knighton, snd some other writers. It will be recollected that a similar
fable has since been related, and partially believed, of the escape of James the 4th of Scotland
from Flodden Field. King Arthur, Charles of Burgundy, and Don Sebastian of Portugal,
have also been made the heroes of popular tales of this description.

b I am aware that some of the English Historians of the middle ages adopted the Norman
account, particularly Robert of Gloucester, Wykes, and Walsingham. But the two former of
these did not write till towards the end of the 13th century, nor the latter till a much later
period. Walsingham too in the Ypodigma Neustrise was writing a Norman History and
naturally following the Norman authors. It is proper to add that Mr. Carte, to whose great
merits as a historian justice has at length been rendered, has made choice of the Norman state¬
ment as the true one. But this learned writer is perhaps more to be commended for his great
diligence and integrity, and for his clear and copious narration, than for the general solidity
of his judgment.

94 Observations on the Bayeax Tapestry.

volunteered such an oath. While on the other hand, either of those
suppositions is sufficiently probable, if William stood in the situation
of a benefactor to Harold, either by restoring to him his brother and
nephew, or by simply releasing him from captivity. It is to be ob¬
served that the act of releasing him could have conferred no personal
obligation on him, had he really been an ambassador from Edward,
and the bearer of such welcome intelligence. I am aware that it may
be said, that, whether Harold was or was not Edward’s ambassador,
it appears even by Malmsbury’s account that he represented himseli
as such to William. But William had too much penetration to be
deceived by a story thus fabricated, though he might find it conve¬
nient to seem to credit it ; and his tendering the oath to Harold ap¬
pears to me to afford an inference that he knew Harold was not an
ambassador, and therefore sought to entrap him in his own snare.

Of the two English accounts, it is not of much historical import¬
ance which is the true one. It is remarkable that no light on this
question is to be derived from either the Saxon Chronicle or Florence
of Worcester, the two most exact authorities of the times. a Lord

x The obscurity in which this important event appears to be involved, is the more extra¬
ordinary, when it is considered that the period at which it took place abounded more than
any subsequent one for many centuries in historians of talent and character. Besides the
valuable records preserved to us by the Saxon Chronicle and Florence of Worcester, the
names of Malmsbury and Eadmer, Henry of Huntingdon and Simeon of Durham, Ingulphus
and Ordericus Vitalis, would have done honour to a far more polished period. These were
not, generally speaking, obscure monks immured in cloisters, but were, on the contrary, men
of a certain rank and importance in society, possessing ample and undoubted means of infor¬
mation. The excellence of our early historians has been strongly insisted on by two of the
most celebrated ones of modern times. Dr. Henry and Mr. Gibbon. Among the posthumous
works of the latter, will be found an eloquent and masterly essay, strongly recommending
the publication of our Corpus Historicum, with English notes. This plan, however, in the
execution of which Mr. Gibbon had himself consented to assist, was relinquished, probably
from its being found that the republications of these ancient writers would necessarily bear a
larger price than even the old editions of them could still be procured for. The late learned
and excellent Dr. Sayers of Norwich (whom the writer of this paper cannot name without
the strongest emotions of personal regard and regret) has, in his “ Disquisitions,” (2d edit.
1808, p. 244) earnestly recommended the translation of portions of our early historians.

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

Lyttelton adopts the story given by Malmsbury, which appears also
to have been preferred by Milton : while, on the other hand, Rapin
and Hume have followed the more circumstantial narration of Eadmer.
Without venturing to express any decided opinion on this point, 1
may be permitted to observe that it is the common fault of Histo¬
rians, not less than of Criticks, to “ find out meanings never meant/’
by ascribing to design what has been merely accidental. As it is now
much too late to dive, with any hope of success, into the state secrets
of the Courts of Edward and William, it might be safer to admit the
simpler story, in preference to the more elaborate one ; though that
must be allowed to derive much weight from the character of its
author for information, veracity, and judgment. Whichever may be
the true account, I feel that I have already trespassed too largely to
be allowed to proceed in the discussion ; and I have only therefore
to subscribe myself with much respect,

Dear Sir,

To Henry Ellis, Esq.

Your very faithful and obedient Servant,

THOMAS AMYOT,

Mr. Sharpe has laudably commenced that task, by translating William of Malmsbury 3 and
the English reader will soon, it is understood, be in possession of the Saxon Chronicle.
Except the old translations of Gildas, Bede, and Jeffery of Monmouth, I am not aware that
any others of our ancient chroniclers have yet appeared in an English dress, though in the
British Museum a MS. translation of Florence of Worcester, by Holinshed, will be found
among Stow’s collections. I have only to add, that whoever will take the trouble to peruse
the venerable Fathers of our English history, will not foil to regret, that they should have
hitherto remained

“ Like unregarded Age in corners thrown,”

and will find them abound in interesting delineations of early manners and character, more
than sufficient to compensate for the barbarism of their style, and the errors of their
•superstition.

XII. Observations on a Roman Encampment near East Hempsteadr
in Berkshire. Bp John Narrien, Esq. of the Royal Mili¬
tary College at Sandhurst. In a Letter to Henry Ellis, Esq.
F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 2 2d Jan. 1818.

Sandhurst, Jan. 15, 1818

DEAR SIR,

The drawing, (PI. VII.) is a correct plan of the Roman Encampment
near East Hempstead in Berkshire as it now stands. Its situation, at
one extremity of a large plateau, rendered it very fit for a permanent
military station, as it must have been of difficult access on every side
except that by which it is connected with the principal hill.

The level of the camp and the adjoining plateau is in most places
about fifty feet above the surrounding country, which at one time must
have been an entire morass : many parts of it are at present impassable
except by the hunting roads which have been made across it, and also
across the hill itself.

The Foss of the camp has been formed by digging along the side
of the hill, and throwing up the earth on the exterior to form a
parapet ; an interior parapet higher than this has been made on the
brow of the hill by earth dug from the interior ; and on the side ad¬
joining the plateau a double ditch appears to have been formed for
the purpose of increasing the defence on the side which was most
exposed to the enemy after he had got possession of the hill.

A Pit is observed in the middle of the camp, which probably may be
the remains of a well. There could have been no difficulty in obtaining
water, as there are springs on the east side of the plateau, and the low
grounds are full of them. On the north side of the camp, at the foot
of the rampart, appears to have been once a considerable pond, which

Observations on a Roman Encampment , S;c.

is now dried up: its place is easily distinguished by the aquatic weeds
which still grow there.

The ground enclosed by the parapet is sufficient, according to the
Roman form of encampment, to have contained about 9000 men.

Upon the hill, at the distance of about a quarter of a mile south-east
of the camp, there remain a few very old thorn trees which are
called Wickham Bushes: among these the soil appears to be of abetter
quality than in any other part of the hill, and indeed of the sur¬
rounding country, for a considerable quantity of grass is found there
mixed with the furze, which alone grows in every other part. This
spot was formerly the seat of a Roman Town or Villa, as appeal s by
the bricks and remains of pottery which have been dug up at various
times, and may still be found in the wheel tracks which cross the place.

The irregular form of the rampart of this encampment has given
rise to an opinion that it may rather have been a British than a Roman
work : we know that the temporary encampments of the Romans were
of a square form, but it was not uncommon with that people to avail
themselves of the advantage of a high ground for the places of their
permanent stations, in which case the rampart was made to follow
the sinuosities of the hill.

Any attempt to ascertain the date of the construction of this work
is at present in vain, nor can I learn that any discovery has been
made from which it can be known by what legions it was ever oc¬
cupied.

Numerous remains of this kind, like the camp in question, have
received the appellation of Caesar’s camps : there is no foundation,
however, for supposing that Julius Caesar had penetrated so far into
the country as this camp is situated, since it appears from the Com¬
mentaries that in his first expedition he did not leave the eastern
parts of Kent : in the second expedition he marched against Cassi-
vellaunus, and crossed the Thames probably about Oatlands or King¬
ston : whence he advanced and took Verulam (St. Albans,) leaving
the seat of this encampment far to the west. From this expedition

VOL. xix.

Observations on a Roman Encampment, 8$c.

Caesar returned immediately to his camp on the coast, having re¬
ceived the submission of the Trinobantes, &c.

It is more probable that this camp might be one of those con¬
structed by Plautius, or by his general Vespasian when he made the
conquest of the south-western parts of the island during the reign of
Claudius : it might then become a permanent station of the Roman
legions, which from that time were successively retained to keep the
people in subjection.

The whole of the country about this place must have been of con¬
siderable consequence at the time the Romans were in Britain, as
appears from the remains of antiquity which are constantly discovered
in it. Besides the camp and buildings which stood on the spot of which
we are speaking, the place where the Military College of Sandhurst now
stands must have been occupied, as in digging behind that building
two silver medals, which are now in the possession of the Hon. Sir A.
Hope, were lately found : one of them is inscribed with the name of
Marc Anthony, and the other is a consular medal of the Papia Family :
not long since also an urn containing coins, some of which were of
Constantine, was turned up by a plough near Ockingham. All these
places are nearly in a line between London and Silchester. From'
London a road passed through this place, the remains of which, now
called the Devil’s Highway, are still to be seen.

I beg to present to the Society of Antiquaries another drawing,
which they probably will not think it necessary to engrave. It is a
military Sketch of the whole Plateau, on the north side of which the
Encampment is situated. The angles between the roads were taken
by a sextant, but the distances were determined by pacing, and the
form of the ground was described by hand.

I am, dear Sir, very faithfully yours,

JOHN NARRIEN.

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ROMAN ENCAMPMENT

XIII. Further Observations on the Bas-relief \ supposed to represent
the Evil Eye. By the Bev. Stephen Weston, B.T). F.R.S.
In a Letter to the Earl of Aberdeen, K.T. F.R.S. Pres.

Read 29th Jan. ISIS.

MY LOltD,

The curious morsel of antiquity which Mr. Millingen has laid upon
the table of the Antiquaries, and an explanation of which has been
read by the Secretary, I beg still farther to comment on and illus¬
trate, and to endeavour to show that the whole is an allusion to, and
representation of the sacred rites of Mithra,3 and the ceremonies to
be observed by all those who were candidates for initiation into the
Mithraic mysteries ; and in doing this, I shall not detain your Lord-
ship long, or occupy much of the time of the Society, but content
myself by laying before you the testimonies of antiquity, with the
proofs and authorities on which I found my opinions.

First then I am to explain what is the meaning of various figures of
men and animals, surrounding an eye, and attacking it, as it should
seem, in all directions. Mr. Millingen tells us with much ingenuity,
that this eye is the evil and fascinating eye, of which we read in
Virgil and Theocritus, and in our own country ; at which in this bas-
relief all nature is pecking : but I rise still higher, and say, that the
eye pourtrays Mithra, or the Sun, and the figures aiming at it, are the
metamorphoses of the candidates for initiation into the mysteries of
the Mithraic worship ; and in order to prove this assertion, I conceive
that 1 have nothing to do, but to show what was required of those
who were desirous of being admitted into the ceremonies, and assist¬
ing at the sacred functions of the religious rites.

* MiOga, the Sun in Persia, as Osiris in Egypt, of which the hieroglyphic is an eye. See
Plutarch de Iside et Osiride, fol. p. 354. F.

O 2

100

Further Observations on the Bas-relief ’

The origin of the word Mithra is to be sought for in the Persian
Mihter which means Lord, and the name by which the

Sun was called in many ancient inscriptions ; as DEO SOLI : SOLI
INVICTO MITHRJE: DOMINO SOLI:aand represented under the
form of an eye, nANAEPKEOS, all seeing, b HEAIOT l * * * 5'OS IIANT’ E$OP A. The
sacred rites performed to Mithra were in a cave,c or deep recess, be¬
cause the eye of day was nightly obscured, and clouds and darkness
surrounded it. In this cavern were the portentous images under
which St. Jeromd tells us Corax, Gryphus, Miles, Leo, Perses, were
initiated. Tertullian describes the ceremony of crowning a soldier
of Mithra, who was led into the abyss, and saw nothing but lions,
hogs,6 crows, serpents, and scorpions, into which the candidates were
to be transformed and officiate as lions, and crows, eagles, hawks,
and birds and beasts of all kinds, and be called by their names.
These transformations carried no real fear or danger with them, f but
the things in these mysteries, “ plena timoris etpericuli,”says Salmasius,
were the jcoXcureJc the castigations and mortifications to be endured in
the preparatives for initiation, which Nonnus g details. No one can
be admitted to the ceremonies, to perform them, unless he shall have
previously gone through all the probations, insensible to pain, unhurt,
and sanctified. There are twelve degrees of temptation or trial to
which the candidates for initiation must be exposed, and show them
superior to all before they may be pronounced proper subjects for
reception.

The ordeals of the self-devoted victims in the shapes and under the
forms of the men and animals exhibited on the Stone, exceeded in

1 See Hesychius in Reland, Dissertation viii. p. 198. Selden, Additamenta, p. 52.

de Diis Syris.

b Homer Od. A v. 108.

c Selden, Addit. p. 272, 3, 4. Hyde, Religio Persarum, c. 4, p. 116, E. O. 4to.
d Epist. ad Lsetam. Milfes in lapide, et Perses.
e Casaubon ad Commodum, p. 498, 9. Histor. Aug. Script, tom. 1.
r Salmasius de sacris Mithriacis eodem loco.

5 Nonnus on Nazianzen’s second Steleteutic.

301

supposed to represent the Evil Eye.

severity the temptations of St. Anthony and the sufferings of the
Indian Fakirs ; they consisted in starving, burning, living in rivers, and
in deserts, and under every kind of privation, till the whole number
of trials, in all, as some say, eighty, should be exhausted, and then, if
life remained, they were declared duly qualified ; whether the Leontica
had been performed, or the rites of the Coraicaa enjoined, they were
received according to those, or any other prescribed forms.

I have the honour to be

Your Lordship’s and the Society’s
Very humble Servant,

STEPHEN WESTON.

Edward’s Street, Portman-square, Jan. 26, ISIS.

* Nonnus ibidem.

102

XIV. Observations on an ancient Celt found near Boston in
Lincolnshire. By the Bt. Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, Bart.
G.C.B. P.R.S.

Read 29th Jan. 1818.

N ear Boston in Lincolnshire, a considerable tract of land has been,
from the earliest times of which we have record, so much flooded with
water descending from the higher country beyond it, as to be of little
use to its proprietors. The extent of this level is 40,000 acres ; the
surface is higher on the west, and lower at the easternmost extremity,
where the part of it called the East Fen is situate, consisting of about
10,000 acres, of which about 6000 acres were water, or shaking bog,
the water from four to six feet deep, standing in pools from 50 to 500
acres in extent, and abounding in fish and wild-fowl. This fen, as
well as all the others, have been drained by the skill of Mr. Rennie ;
and every part of all of them, even the scites of the deepest pools,
are now arable, meadow, and pasture.

The largest and deepest of these pools was called Silver Pit. In
the bottom of this, and of most of the others, the roots of immense
trees appeared, on the receding of the waters, standing where they
had at some former period grown and flourished, with the fangs of
their roots below fixed in blue clay, laying under a thin stratum of
peat moss, with which the bottom of the pool was every where
eovered.

In removing one of these roots for the purpose of clearing the
ground for tillage, the Celt now exhibited (PI. VIII.) was found. It
appears to have been much used by the proprietor, before it was lost
by him, and also much corroded, especially on one side. But whether
the most corroded side lay in contact with the clay or the peat moss,
was not observed by the person who found it.

On an ancient Celt found near Boston in Lincolnshire. 108

From the situation in which this instrument was found, it appears
certain that it must have been lost by its owner before the tree,
under the roots of which it was found, had begun to grow, which was
long prior to the oldest traditional accounts of this island any where
recorded. The time when these fens were dry land and covered
with timber, is probably the same when the submarine forests which
lay about and below the level of low-water mark on the coasts of
Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, and, in truth, in most other parts of
the coast of England, were dry land ; at that time the level of the
sea must have been lower, or that of the land higher, than is the
case at present.

Celts, as our speculative Antiquaries have thought fit to call them,
have been found in great abundance, and of a variety of different
shapes, as may be seen in the fifth volume of the Archaeologia, where
in Plate X. one exactly resembling that now exhibited is figured. They
have been hitherto generally considered as warlike weapons, though,
in truth, ill suited for any kind of attack. The similitude which the
more simple of them bear to the stone axes such as are not uncommonly
found in all parts of England, leads to a probability of their being
intended for the same purpose, and used by our remote ancestors as
working tools, for which they are not ill adapted.

The chief use of timber among the ancient Britons was for the
construction of canoes, of which five have been found in draining the
fens : they are trunks of trees hollowed out, and differ very little from
those now in use among the nations who are yet uncivilized. Few
tools are so well adapted to the hollowing a canoe as the one here
described.

Many of the celts have sockets into which a handle may be easily
fastened. The present one has shoulders to receive the wood, and
could only be held fast on its place by the use of strings tied round
it, as the stone axes used at present in the South Sea Islands are
fastened to their handles ; and as those of our ancestors, no doubt,
were secured. The annexed drawing shows in what manner they were
probably fitted up.

104

On an ancient Celt found near Boston in Lincolnshire.

in another part of the fen, where a deep peat moss is found, laying
upon a much higher level than the watery and quaking bogs men¬
tioned before, an instrument perfectly similar to this was found by a
labourer in digging a fence ditch. It differs from the former in
nothing whatever except in colour, which is of a high yellow, much
resembling the colour of gold ; in truth, so very like that metal, that
the labourer who found it retained it three years before he could be
persuaded to part with it at any price below that of standard gold.

Explanation of the Plate,
a The instrument.

b The instrument mounted as an axe.
c Ditto mounted as an adze.
d Ditto mounted as a chisel.

P/ate Till

VOL. MX./>. /a/.

JS.B a sire , s crulp .

/W///W />]• (hr Sorif/v or' Anltquarir/t or' London, .LutL .

105

XV. Copy of a Letter to Sir Robert Atkyns, Knight of the Bath ,
Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer , and Speaker of the House
of Lords , in the Reign of King William , from his brother Sir
Edward Atkyns , who was also Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer.
Written from London during the Fire 1666, to his Brother at
Sapperton, his residence in Gloucestershire. Communicated by
the Rev. Stephen Weston, B.D. F.R.S.

Read 12th Feb. 1818.

GOOD BROTHER,

I received your letter, and shall give you the best account I can of
our late sad fire, tho’ it is scarcely possible for any man fully to
describe it. It began at a Bakers house in Puddinglane, near Thames
Street, on Sunday morning, about two or three of the clock ; and burnt
doune several houses, but could not be quencht, in regard it was a
narrow place where ye engines could not play, & ye Lord Maior
did not thinke fit to pull doune any houses to prevent ye further
spreading of ye fire. About 10 of ye clock whilst wee were at Church,
there was a cry in ye streets, yl ye Dutch and French were in armes,
& had fired ye Citty, & thereupon ye Ministers dismist their
several Congregations, but wee y1 were soe remote, thought little of
it. In ye afternoone I went into ye Temple Garden, where I saw it
had made an unhappy progresse, & had consumed towards ye Thames
side many houses, and two or three churches, as Lawrence Pountney
Church, which I saw strangely fired, & other churches, & at last
growing something violent, & meeting with many wharfes, and the
wind being high, it grew very formidable, and wee began to thinke
of its nearer approach. By Monday morning it had burnt all Thames
Street, New Fish Street, and some p‘ of Cannon Street, and there-

VOL. XIX.

106

Copy of a Letter from Sir Edward Atkyns

upon the Citizens began to neglect ye fire, & to secure their goods,
& in fine & to be short, by Wednesday evening, it had burnt all
the Citty. Yesterday I went from St. Dunstans Church to Bishops-
gate Street, & there is not one house standing betwixt those places ;
there are only, within the wall, but part of these three streets remain¬
ing, viz. p‘ of Leaden Hall Street, Basinghall, & Bishopsgatestreet,
all ye rest burnt to yc ground, & not soe much as a considerable piece
of timber, as I could see, secured from the fire. It is impossible almost
to conceive the total destruction ; all the churches burnt, nay some
of the churches, as Bow Church, & have not so

much as the walls standing. All the Halls, as Guild Hall, Merchant
Taylors Hall, Mercers Chappel, Old Exchange, burnt doune to the
ground, soe y1 you can hardly tell where such a Parish or Place was.
I can say but this, that there is nothing but stones and rubbish, and
all exposed to the open air. Soe y1 you may see from one end of the
Citty almost to ye other. St. Pauls Church, ye very stones are

crumbled and broken into shivers, & . and you can

compare London (were it not for ye rubbish) to nothing more than
an open field. The Citizens were forced to remove theire goods into
ye open fields, and £10 a cart was now demanded to carry away ye
goods. Ye Inner Temple allmost burnt, & pull’d doune, except
the Temple Church, the Hall much defaced, and the Exchequer
Office, Serjeants Inn in Fleet-street, and all to St. Dunstans Church,
and soe on ye other side to Holborne Bridge. Ye King & Duke of
Yorke were exceeding active, or otherwise I doubt the suburbs had
undergone ye same calamity ; some have conceived y* it was a Plott,
but most, & the King himself, beleeve yl it was only the hand of
God. Ye King comforts the Citizens wth ye rebuilding of the Citty,
but God knows when yt will be ; ye Exchange is now kept at
Gresham Colledge, where I heard yesterday there was a full exchange
of Merchants. My fathers house at St. Ellens, stands well. The fire
began to seize upon Chancery Lane, having burnt up all Fetter Lane,
& come as far as Brides-lane and Whites- Alley ; but blessed be God

107

respecting the Fire of London , A.D. 1666.

supprest, and all things safe at your house and chamber, but Mr.
Harrison of Cateaton street, Mr. Long has enquired for, and cannot
learn of him : his house suffered the common calamity. Dr. Tillotson
has lost many goods, and a £ 100 worth of Books : he has taken a
house in Lincolns-Inn-fields, where his father-in-law purposes to re¬
main. £40,000 quarters of Corne destroyed in Bridewell, being the
Citty store : Sir Wm. Backhouse has lost £ 1600 per an : in houses and
in the benefit of the New River : — Sir R. Lucy, & ye Lady Allen,
& Lady Fairfax, about 3 or 400 £ per an;— Sir Richard Broon’s
house burnt to the ground, where he has sustained great losses, and
my brother Browne likewise, for my sister being then very ill, all ye
care was to remove her : they are all now at the Red Lyon in Hol-
borne : — my Sister at her Sister Howards house at Roehampton. My
father came up on Monday, & stood removing his goods till Wed¬
nesday morning, & sat up all ye night, but through mercy, Chancery
lane is yet standing, except the St. Johns head near Lincolns-Inn,
whh was pulled downe, by way of prevention, and another house to¬
wards Holborne. The Parliament will certainly meet at ye day : ye
Duke of Albemarle is now in London. There was a flying report of
an engagement at Sea, but not confirmed. Several persons, foraigners,
are in prison upon suspicion, but little will be made of it, as I am in¬
formed. — The Attorney General very ill. — My father and his family
are well at Albany, where my wife went on Thursday last. I had gone
my Circuit & my last two Counties this week, but the fire prevented
my intentions. If we cannot find out your cousin Harrison, I will go
to Totnam on Tuesday next, and enquire after him, & how it stands
in reference to your goods in his custody, but I believe he having
notice sufficient, & being a prudent man has secured both his owne,
and your goods. Houses are now at an excessive rate ; & my Lord
Treasurers new buildings are now in great request. I think it best
for you to remove noe goods either in your house or chamber, for I
doe believe ye danger is well over, only wee have frequent false
alarums of fire, sometimes in one place, and then in another ; it now

p 2

108

Copy of a Letter from Sir Edward Atkyns, 8$c.

burns only in cellars, & warehouses, where either coals, spirits, or
other combustible matters were lodged. I thinke it convenient you
should be here against the sitting of Parliament, for there will be need
of you. Great watch is kept, for though the judgments of God have
been soe remarkable, yet you would wonder at the profaneness of
people, & how little some are concerned in this sad calamity. My
hearty service to my sister, & nephew Sir Robert. My father writt
a letter this week to you, but no Post went, and I cannot come at the
letter. My Mother has had a great losse in her sister Lady Ludgald.
In what service I can perform, pray command me. My paper bids
me end. Our Navy is come into St. Hellens Bay. I am your ever
loving brother

most ready to serve you,

EDWD. ATKYNS.

Lincolns Inn
Sep' 8th.

66.

1 thinke not fit the Messenger should goe to Totnam, but Mrs.

Low shall give you an account, . thinke and verily believe all

i£ safe with him, except his house.

109

XVI. An Account of some Anglo-Saxon Pennies found at Dorking ,
in Surrey. Communicated by Taylor Combe, Esq. Sec. B.S.
Director.

Read 12th March, 1818.

A very interesting discovery of a considerable number of Anglo-
Saxon Pennies having been made last year in the neighbourhood of
Dorking, I feel great pleasure in being able to communicate an ac¬
count of them to the Society of Antiquaries.

The field in which the coins were found belongs to the Rev. Mr.
Turner, and was at the time and is still in the occupation of George
Dewdney, Esq. It is situated in the Parish of Dorking, in Surrey, at
a short distance from the Roman road called Stone-street, leading out
of Sussex through Surrey to London ; and near the camp called
Hanstie-Bury, which is of a circular form, and has the banks of
ditches nearly perfect at this time. Mr. Manning a is inclined to
consider this camp as Danish.

The coins were found in the month of April 1817, by a ploughman
who was at work in the field ; the plough struck against something
which on examination proved to be a wooden box, containing about
seven hundred Saxon coins, and about six ounces of fragments of coins.
The wood of which the box was made crumbled to pieces immediately,
so that it was not possible to ascertain either its form or dimensions.
The coins, particularly those which lay uppermost, were cemented
firmly together by metallic incrustations of a green and blue colour,
which were carbonates of copper, formed by the decomposition
of the metal used as an alloy to the silver. The coins were lying
about ten or twelve inches below the surface of the ground, in a
spot were the colour of the earth is particularly black, and which

a Manning and Bray’s Hist, of Surrey, Vol. i. p. 579.

1 10 Account of some Anglo-Saxon Pennies

has always been remarked to produce better corn than any other part
of the field.

The following is a list of the kings whose coins were contained in
this parcel, together with the number of coins belonging to each king.

King of the West Saxons.
iEthelweard . 10

Kings of Mercia.

Ciolvulf I . i

Biornwulf . i

Wiglaf . . l

Berhtulf . *23

Burgred . l

Kings of the East Angles.

Eadmund . 3

Ethelstan . 3

Ahp. of Canterbury .

Ceolnoth . 80

Sole Monarchs.

Ecgbeorht . 20

Ethelvulf . 205

iEthelbearht . 249

King of Soissons.

Pipin . • . l

These coins, with about 40 others which I have not seen, and which
were dispersed soon after they were found, constituted the whole
number.

Ill

found at Do?' king.

AETHELWEARD.

Of the 16 coins of iEthelweard, 13 had been already engraved in the
Saxon Plates published by the Rev. Rogers Ruding, to whose work
I shall refer for the representations of them.

No. of Coins found.

Ruding,

Plate III.

fig.

1 • • • • •

•

• • •

. XXVI.

fig.

1 • • • • •

•

• • •

. XX YI.

fig.

2. .... .

•

i. e.

DVDDA

EADMYND

• • •

. . III.

fig.

3 • • • • •

•

• • •

. . III.

fig.

4 .

•

• • •

. . III.

fig.

5 .

•

Inedited

These three last coins are all alike, and an engraving of one of them
is annexed, PI. IX. fig. 1.

I have long had reason to believe that the coins which have been
hitherto attributed to Aethelweard, or rather Aethelheard, king of
the West Saxons, belong in reality to some unknown king of the
former name among the Princes of the East Angles. If the coins of
Aethelweard, or Aethelheard, be compared with those of Eadmund,
king of the East Angles, it will be found that not only the types of
the two coinages agree, but that the names of several of the moneyers
correspond ; and even the formation of the letters, which are of a very
peculiar shape, are precisely the same on the coins of both reigns.
The inedited coin of Aethelweard, of which a drawing is given,
affords an additional instance of the resemblance of the coins of
Aethelweard to those of Eadmund, for it is in every respect similar,
even in the form of the letters, to one of Eadmund, published in
Mr. Ruding’s Work, Plate IX. fig. 9.

Aethelheard, king of the West Saxons, began his reign in 726, and
it was not before the year 855 that Eadmund was king of the East
Angles, a difference in point of time of 129 years. Now it is highly

112

Account of some Anglo-Saxon Pennies

•l ' “

improbable that such a close resemblance should be found in any coins
struck at so great a distance of time from each other ; and we believe
that no other instance of a similar kind is to be met with in the history
of any country, either in ancient or modern times.

There is in point of fact no king of the name of Aethelward among
the kings of the West Saxons; and it seems probable that the English
Antiquaries not finding the name of Aethelweard in the list of Saxon
kings, were led to appropriate the coins with this name to iEthelheard,
a king of the West Saxons, whose name resembles that of Aethelweard
more than any other, both in sound and orthography.

CIOLVVLF I.

The single coin of Ciolvulf I. of which a figure is given in PI. IX.
fig. 2, is very similar to the one engraved in Mr. Ruding’s XXVIIth
Plate, but the name of the moneyer is different, namely, EALH-TAN
for EALHSTAN, which name occurs in another coin of this king ; see
Ruding’s Plates, PI. VII. fig. 1.

BEORNVVLF.

The coin of this king differs very little from that published in Mr.
Ruding’s XXVIIth Plate ; but, as it may be interesting to mark any
variation, however minute, in a coin of such great rarity, a figure of
it is annexed, see PI. IX. fig. 3.

WIGLAF.

This is the only coin which has ever been discovered of this king ;
a figure of it is given, PI. IX. fig. 4. The name of the moneyer
is HVVNOELL, a name which does not occur, I believe, in any
other Anglo-Saxon coin.

BERHTVLF.

Of the 23 coins of this king, 18 have been already engraved in Mr.
Ruding’s work, and are here referred to.

found at Dorking.

113

No. of Coins found.

Ruding, PI. VII. fig. 1 . 2

. . . . VII. fig. 2 . 6

. . . . VII. fig. 3 . 5

i. e. BRID. . . 2

OZYYLF. . 1

ZIGEHEAH 1
VVINE ; . 1

. . . . VII. fig. 4 . 2

i. e. LIABAYND 1
DENEHEAH 1

. VII. fig. 5 . 2

Both with the name of BVRNVVALD, for the moneyer.
. . . XXVII. fig. 3 . 1

The five remaining coins of this king are unpublished, and are
represented in PI. IX. fig. 5, 6, 7, 8, and PL X. fig. 13,

BVRGRED.

The coins of this king are much more common than those of any

O'* J

other Prince in the Mercian kingdom ; it is therefore remarkable
that only one coin of his should have been found in this parcel.
The coin is similar to that engraved in Mr. Ruding’s work, Plate

VIII. fig. 17.

EADMVND.

The three coins of this king have been already engraved in Mr.
Ruding’s Plates.

No. of Coins found.

Ruding, PI. IX. fig. 2 . 2

. . , . IX. fig. 8, . . ,1

ETHELSTAN.

The three coins of this king have also been published in Mr.
Ruding’s Plates.

Ruding, PI. IX. fig. 4. . . .

IX. fig. 7. . .

I X fio- o

• • • • x j. m # • i/ • • • •

VOL. XIX.

114

Account of some Anglo-Saxon Pennies

CEOLNOTH.

All the coins of this Prelate, consisting of 86 in number, have been
already published. The following is a list of the different types and
moneyers, with the respective number found of each. Several of the
inoneyers are new.

Ruding, Plate XIII. fig. 1.

BIARNRED. .

. 15

EDELVALD .

. 1

BIARNVLF . .

. 5

l-EREBEARIT .

. 1

CEALMOD . . .

. 1

HEBECA .

.... 12

CENVA12 ....

. 1

LIABINCf. .

. ... 15

CIALMOD . . .

. 1

TOCEA .

. . . . 3

Ruding, Plate XIII. fig. 7.

BIORNYOD. . .

. 7

WISE RE .

. . . . 8

Ruding, Plate XIII. fig. 5.

BIORNYOD . .

. 2

WINHERE .

. . . . 1

5VEBMEARD

. 1

WVNHERE .

. . . . 1

Ruding, Plate XIII. fig. 6.

BIORNTOD . .

. 2

WNHERE .

. . . . 2

XVEBHEARD.

. 5

Ruding, Plate XIII. fig. 3.
DOROVERNIA. CIVITAS . I

Ruding, Plate XIII. fig. 4.

LIL. MONETA. DOROVER . 1

ECGBEORHT.

Of the ten coins found of this king, eight are similar to fig. 3, in
Mr. Ruding’s XIVth Plate, but have the names of different moneyers.

BIORNMOD . 1 DIORTOD . 1

BIOXEL . 1 OBA . 2

BOXEL . 3

The two other coins, (on one of which is his portrait in the usual
style of rudeness,) are inedited, and are represented in PI. IX.
figures 9, 10.

found at Dorking.

115

ETHELVVLF.

The coins now discovered of this Prince, no less than 265 in number,
present us with a great variety of types, many of which have never
been published.

Ruding, PI. XIV. fig. 2, is the type which includes the greatest
number of coins. The names of the moneyers belonging to this
type, are as follow :

DELBEARFT.

. 7

HVNRED .

. 13

DIAR .

. 2

MANINC .

. 11

DVD VINE. . .

. 1

MANNA .

. 4

EBELLEARD

. 4

TIRVALD .

. 5

EDELMOD . .

. 7

TORHTVLF .

. 11

EDELNOD. . .

. 19

VERMVND .

. 4

HVNBEARH*.

. 17

Ruding, Plate

XIV. fig. 4.

BIARMOD. . .

. 1

HVNBEAHT .

. 1

BRID .

. 2

MANINC .

. 6

DEINEAH . .

. 1

OXMVND .

EANWVND. . .

. 3

WILLEM .

. 1

EADMVND . .

. 1

VVELH4EARD .

. 1

EALLMVND.

. 3

VVEALHEARD . . . .

. 1

EDELMVND .

. 6

VVEALH-I EARD . . . .

. 1

EDELERE. . .

. 1

Ruding, Plate

XIV. fig. l.

BIARNNOD .

. 2

Ruding, Plate XXVIII. fig. 3.

EBELHERE .

. 2

Ruding, Plate XV. fig. 6.

DIAR .

. 4

OSMVND .

KDEBEALD .

. 3

TORRLALD . . . .

.. 1

MANNA .

. 7

Ruding, Plate XV. fig. 7.

OCCIDENTALISM SAXONIORVM.. . . 6

q 2

11(5

Account of some Anglo-Saxon Pennies

Raiding, Plate XY. fig. 8.
EDELHERE .

Ruding, Plate XIV. fig. 3.

BEALTYM) . 6 VVELfHEARD . 1

BEALYYND . I

The remaining coins of this king are inedited, and are represented
in the annexed engravings :

PI. IX. fig. 11.. .DIAR . 1

VtREBEALD. 1

MANNA . 1

05MVND.... 1
PI. IX. fig. 12. . . 1EREBEALD 1
HVNBEARHT 1

LIABA . 1

OSMVND .... 8
PI. X. fig. 1. . . . OSMYND .... 1
PI. X. fig. 2. . . . HEREBEAED 1
PI. X. fig. 3. . . . DEINEAH. ... 2
PI. X. fig. 4. . . . BEALTYN ... 1
VVILhEAh ... 1

PI. X. fig. 5....DYN . 1

DYYN . 1

PI. X. fig. 6. . . . BEADY YfSD . . . 1

PI. X. fig. 7... BRID . 1

MLI-EAH . . . 1
VVILHEAH 1

PI. X. fig. 8...DYN . 1

PI. X. fig. 9. . . HEBECA ... 2
PI. X. fig. 10... HVNBEAHT3

PI. X. fig. 11... DIAR . 2

PI. X. fig. 12, . . DEINEAH ... 8
DEINEAH ... 2

DIAR . 7

EANMVND. 7

LIABA . 3

LIVBA . 3

MANNA.... 9
1 M YNN . . ... 4
OSMVND... 1

AETHELBEARHT.

There are only two types known of the coins of Aethelbearht, and
it is not a little remarkable that the coins of this king found at
Dorking, 249 in number, should all be of one and the same type.
The number of moneyers is very great, and presents us with forty-

* The letters on three of these coins read backwards, both on the obverse and reverse.

found at Dorking. 1 17

eight new names in the mintage of this reign ; they are here marked
with an asterisk.

Ruding, Plate XV. fig. 1.

* BADEMVND . 1

* BADENOD . 2

* BEAEMVISD . 3

BEAHMVN) ) 13

BEAHTVIVD j .

BIARPsMOD . 5

* BIARNVR€ . 1

BVRNYALD . 1

* CEALEARD . 1

* CENRED . 2

CENVEALD . 4

CVNEFREB )

CVl\EFREB J . .

* DEALLA . 2

DEBBEARFT . 10

* DEELAF . 5

* DENEMVND, . 1

* DIALMOD . 1

* DIARMOD . G

* DVD VINE . 16

* EADVLF . 1

* EALDRED . 1

* EBELEEARD . 8

* EBELHERE . 2

* EDELNOD . 4

* EDELRED . 5

* EDELREED . 2

* EDELVEALD . 2

* EDELVLF . 1

* EDERED . 1

* FEABEARIT . 3

* HEBECA . 1

* t£ REBEALJ) . 5

* 1 EREFRED . 14

* lEREEEARD . 2

* FEREMVND . G

* HVi\BEARhT . G

I1VNRED . 2G

*LIABINC . 1

* L1ABINCE . 3

* LVCEMAN . 4

* MAX INC . 15

* NODVLF . 2

* OSBEARH" . 4

*os:here . 2

* OSI1ERE . 8

*SEFREB . 5

* SELERED . 1

SHrElERE . 3

TORKTMVND . L

* TORHTVLF . 3

* VERM VXD . 2

* VIOffMVN) . 30

* VLANZEARD 2

* VIINOD . 2

* WLFEARD . G

* VVLFHEARD . 1

* VVLFHEARD . 2

* VVNBEARR . 3

PIPIN, KING OF SOISSONS.

This coin, belonging to the father of Charlemagne, is the only
foreign coin that was found in the parcel. An engraving of it is
given in PI. X. fig. 14.

113

Account of some Anglo-Saxon Pennies

In order to ascertain, as far as we can, the probable time when the
above coins were lost, it will be worth while to enquire at what
periods the different kings, under whom they were struck, began and
finished their respective reigns.

Aethelheard, king of the West Saxons, began his reign in 726 and
died in 740; but as it is almost certain that the coins bearing this
name, must have belonged to another Prince nearly coeval with the
time of Eadmund, king of the East Angles, these dates are of no use
in our present enquiry.

Ciolvulf reigned from

819 to 820

Beornvulf ....

820 .

. 824

Wiglaf .

825.

Berhtulf ....

839 .

. 852

Burgred ....

852 .

. 874

Eadmund ....

855 .

. 870

Ethelstan ....

870 .

. 890

Ceolnoth ....

830 .

. 870

Ecgbeorht ....

827 .

. 838

Ethelvulf ....

838 .

. 857

iEthelbearht . . .

860 .

. 866

Pipin .

752 .

. 768

Prom the above table it will appear that these coins could not have
been buried in the earth before the year 870, in which year Ethelstan
began his reign; and that it could not have been long after that time,
may reasonably be inferred from the circumstance, that not any coins
were found either of the successors of Ceolnoth in the see of Can¬
terbury, or of iEthelbearht among the sole monarchs.

I have now nothing more to add, except to state the means by which
i have been enabled to examine so large a portion of the coins dis¬
covered at Dorking; and in doing this I feel infinite pleasure in
acknowledging the great obligations the British Museum is under to

Plate 3X.

VOLXIX.ikh 8.

Cioh ttlf /.

Et hehnlj:
11

t Irt/u/weard .

Berhtulf.

CA.Jtot/utrd <M.

J. Raftn^ fntlp.

V .

• ' '

* • • • •

• . • V V

' • V

■

- ■ \ •

■

• ‘ - ,

■ ■ ■ '

* i TiffMrW^T i <

<■ ~

■ . ■
.

' .

, « %

• ,

> ■ - - * •

• - 1

Plate X .

YOI.XTK.paS.

O.A.SfvtJmni del.

J. Btt/irc I'cnlf).

found at Dorking.

IIP

Robert Barclay, Esq. of Bury-hill, in the county of Surrey, who for¬
tunately for the cause of science, became the proprietor of 553 of
these coins, which he purchased on the spot. This gentleman, with
a liberality entitled to the highest praise, immediately sent the whole
of his collection to me, requesting that I would select for the British
Museum, every coin not already in the National Collection.

The Museum is also under obligations to George Dewdney, Esq.
of Dorking, in Surrey, who sent for my inspection 100 coins found in
the same parcel, and handsomely allowed me to retain for the trustees
of the British Museum, several pieces not already in their collection.

The Museum has by these means received the important addition
of 174 coins in the Anglo-Saxon series; and, with the exception of
three coins, namely, Ciolvulf I. Beornvulf, and Wiglaf, it now
possesses a specimen of every Saxon coin recorded in the present
account.

March VI : 181S.

120

XVII. Observations on the Body-Armour anciently worn in England .
By Samuel Rush Me y rick, LL. D. in a Letter addressed to
Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary ,

Read 9th April, 1818.

DEAR SIR,

iVs I think the subject has not received that attention which the in¬
terest it occasions merits, I am induced to trouble you with some
remarks on the various species of body-armour worn in England from
the time of the Conquest to that of Henry YI . It is however very
difficult to affix a precise date to each variety, because the new in¬
vention, not being generally adopted, did not altogether exclude the
old ; and such was the extent of military caprice, that ancient fashions,
modified but in a trifling degree, were frequently revived.

Our martial sovereigns Edw. I. and Edw. III. are in some respect
exceptions from this charge, and afford us certain data for two im¬
portant changes in the formation of body-armour. With the former
originated that well know species termed double-chain mail, con¬
sisting of interlaced rings ; and to the latter is to be ascribed the
mixed, which was formed from such additions as gave rise to plate-
armour.

I shall, however, in the course of this letter endeavour to give a
chronological arrangement to the various kinds of hauberk worn
before the first of these periods, and after pointing out the alterations
that preceded the second, take some notice of the changes that sub¬
sequently occurred.

Previous to the time of Edward I. the body-armour may be distin¬
guished by the appellations trelliced, ringed , rust red, muscled, scaled,
tegulated, single-mailed , and handed. On each of these I have to
submit the following observations.

121

On the Body- Armour anciently worn in England.

THE TRELLICED.

The seal of David, Earl of Huntingdon, in Anderson’s Diplomata
ScoticE, represents that nobleman armed with a cuirass, which is bound
over with cross pieces, so as to form large intervening squares placed
angularly, in the centre of each of which appears a round knob or
stud. This seems to me to answer exactly to that species which the
early Norman writers termed trelliced. This Earl, afterwards David I.
of Scotland, lived at the commencement of the twelfth century, and
was brother to Eadgar I. of Scotland. This is little more than thirty
years after the Conquest, and his Saxon origin directs us to what
people we should look for its invention. The trellice-work we find
formed after the same design as the cross-gartering observable on the
legs of the Saxon youths in many illuminated MSS. of that people,
and which had been adopted in imitation of the protecting hay-bands
worn by their rude ancestors. But if there was any doubt to what
nation this species of military habit should be attributed, I think the
point would be settled by a reference to the Norman writers them¬
selves. Instead of giving it the name of Hauberk, we find them
calling it Broigne, evidently a corruption of the Saxon Bypn or Bypna.
Thus in the Roman de Garin we have

En son dos vest une Broigne trelice.

On his back he wears a trelliced Broigne.

and in the Roman de Gaydon,

L’escu li perce, et la Broigne treslit.

His shield was pierced, and his trelliced Broigne.

The writers of the middle ages manifestly derived this word from
some Gothic source, as the terms Brunia, Brunea, Brugna, Bruna,
and Bronia, occur principally in the Latin documents relating to
Charlemagne. But having adopted it, probably to denote the smaller
species of body-armour, they make use of it frequently. Thus in the
Roman de Garin we read,

VOL. XIX

122

On the Body- Armour anciently worn in England.

Et raainte Broigne percier et estroer,

Et mainte vassal trebuchier et verser.

And many a Broigne to pierce and cleave.

And many a vassal to beat down and overthrow.

And again,

L’escu li perce, s’a la Broigne fauss^e.

The shield he pierces, and the Broigne is broken.

In the Roman de Roncevaux, we have,

L’a veist-on tante Broigne saffree.

There he put on such an embroidered Broigne.

And in the Roman de Rou, written not long after the Conquest, we
lind it distinguished from the Hauberk, thus :

Des Haubers, et des Broignes mainte male faussee.

Of Hauberks and Broigne9 a great number were badly broken.

The armour of the knights in the Conqueror’s time, we also learn
from Robert Wace, was called Hernoiz, a word that may have been
derived from the Celtic Hearn, iron, i. e. clad in steel; but it must be
confessed that the trelliced kind comes nearer to our ideas of harness
than any other.

The composition, however, of this cuirass is not so easily settled,
having no decisive information on the subject. I certainly have not
therefore any conclusive ground for the idea, but I am led to imagine
it was made of linen or woollen cloth several times folded and rivetted
together by studs of steel, rather than formed of leather. That the
original Saxon military tunics were made of linen, we have the posi¬
tive testimony of Alcuin, who in his book De Offic. Divin. says,
“ Solent habere milites tunicas lineas, sic aptas membris ut expediti
sint dirigendo jaculum, tenendo clypeum, librando gladium, &c.”
“ The knights ivere accustomed to wear linen tunics , so well fitted to their
limbs , as appears in the seal of Earl David, as to enable them with the
utmost expedition to direct the dart , hold the shield , wield the swords fyc.”

123

On the Body-Armour anciently worn in England.

And this custom was continued so late as the time of Henry II. as we
see by the following* words of Giraldus.

Cum panno loricae ocreali ferro utrinque.

With a coat of mail greaved with iron on both sides.

Ocreali, or “ greave-fashioned,” seeming to refer to the above pre¬
sumed origin.

But of what the trelliced work was composed, I have as yet found
nothing that leads to a conjecture. Whether it was made of thick
thongs of leather merely, or of pliable plates of steel, there is no abso¬
lute data on which to determine. I feel compelled therefore to leave
this point in uncertainty ; merely observing that the legs of the mili¬
tary were thus protected so late as the commencement of the thirteenth
century, as appears in two figures of an illuminated MS. in the Bodleian
library at Oxford, marked 86, Arch. B. From the colouring of these,
the studs only appear of steel, and the trelliced work of leather, pro¬
bably therefore a small plate of iron within the cloth was fastened by
each stud.

RINGED.

What I have denominated ringed-armour is that species which con¬
sisted of flat rings of steel placed contiguous to each other on a quilted
linen tunic. The earliest example we have of this occurs in an illu¬
minated Saxon MS. of the time of Ceedmon, in the Cotton Library at
the British Museum, marked Claudius B. iv. and was probably the most
esteemed of the two kinds of Gehpyngeb Bypn, or ringed broigne.

It again appears on the Norman warriors depicted in a MS. Life of
Christ, written in the eleventh century, prefixed to a Latin and
Franco-Norman version of the Psalms, in the Cotton Library, marked
Nero C. iv. and lastly in the celebrated Baieux Tapestry. We find
therefore that it was continued in use until the time of Henry II. as
that curious remnant of antiquity has, by uncontrovertible arguments
been shewn to have been fabricated under the directions of the Em¬
press Maud.

Aldhelm, Bishop of Sherborne, thus describes the Gehpyngeb Bypn

r 2

124

On the Body- Armour anciently worn in England.

which he, towards the conclusion of the eleventh century, translates
by the word Lorica.

Roscida me genuit gelido de viscere tellus.

Non sum setigero lanarum vellere facta 3
Licia nulla trahunt, nec garrula fila resultant 3
Nec crocek seres texunt lanugine vermes 3
Nec radiis carpor, duro nec pectine pulsor
Et tamen, en ! Vestis vulgi sermone vocabor3
Spicula non vereor, longis exempta pharetris.

The dewy earth produced me from its congealed bowels,

I am not made from the rough fleeces of wool.

No woofs drew me, nor did the tremulous threads resound 3
Nor did the yellow down of silkworms form me,

I passed not through the shuttle, nor was I stricken with the wool comb 3
And yet, behold ! a Vesture am I commonly called j
I fear not the darts that are drawn forth from the long quivers.

Although the hauberk exhibited in the seal of William the Con¬
queror seems to be single-mailed, of which I shall speak hereafter,
yet I cannot help thinking that the one which we are told, by William
of Poitou and an anonymous author of the same period, lie acciden¬
tally put on inverted when preparing for the battle of Hastings, was
of the ringed kind, for the rings being thus quilted flat on linen easily
account for its pliability.

From the Baieux Tapestry, as has been before observed, we know
that this kind of hauberk was worn by the knights so late as the com¬
mencement of the reign of Henry II. a but whether it was afterwards
adopted by the infantry or not, I will not determine. Bohaddin,
however, the Arabian historian, and secretary of the renowned
Salhadin, speaking of the army of our first Richard, observes, that the
infantry, who marched in a hollow square to protect the other troops
within, wore a habit which consisted of pieces of cloth fastened toge-

a In the accurate representations of the royal seals published in the new edition of the
Eoedera, Henry I., Stephen, Eustace his son, and Henry II. all appear with this kind of
hauberk, though the first seal of Henry I. exhibits one covered with flat circular plates not
perforated.

1 25

On the Body- Armour anciently worn in England.

ther with rings, so as to resemble dense coats of mail, hence though
they were overwhelmed with arrows their progress was not impeded.
He adds that he “saw with his own eyes several who had not one or
two merely, but even ten darts sticking in their backs, and yet conti¬
nued their march with a calm and cheerful step without any trepida¬
tion.” If this writer describes the same ringed armour as Aldhelm,
his testimony bears ample proof to the last line of the prelate's
epigram ; but whether it was exactly the ringed armour, or a
distinct species partaking somewhat of the nature of the gambeson,
that was worn by the English troops, I will not take upon me posi¬
tively to decide.

RUSTRED.

For the name of this peculiar kind of hauberk we are indebted to
the vocabulary of our ancient heralds, who in the exuberance of their
fancy have transmitted it to us, as forming one of the charges of
blazonry. The rustre may be seen in tig. 70 and 71 of the 14th plate
to the 2d volume of Edmondson’s Heraldry ; and the term, though
omitted in his Dictionary, will be found in French works on the same
subject. That many bearings in blazonry arose from the adoption of
the different parts of the habiliments and equipments of the knight,
has been asserted by several authors, and that it was so in the case of
the rustre is evident by comparing that charge with a carving in
ivory represented PI. XXXII. tig. 1, of 1st volume of the Monarchic
Franqoise.

Their form seems to have grown out of the ringed armour that had
been used at the Conquest, they being nothing more than one row of
flat rings about double the size of those then used, laid half over the
other, so that two in the upper partially covered one below.

Though I hardly think this species answers to Bohadin’s “ thick
strung pieces of cloth fastened together with rings,” yet am I much
inclined to believe it the lorica’ hamata of Richard the First’s historian
Vinesauf. That writer describing the French army says, Lib. III. c. 5.
“ Inestimabilem, ibi, videres armatorum multitudinem armis decenter

126

On the Body- Armour anciently worn in England.

instructam, tot nitentes hamatas loricas, tot gale as, rutilentes, &c.v
“ There you might behold an inestimable multitude of armed men,
properly furnished with arms, so many shining hooked loricae, so many
glittering ruddy helmets, &c.” Hamatas , though a word used by the
ancients in this author’s meaning, implies, I conjecture, that the rings
passed through or were hooked into the quilting, for though such an
expression might be applied to the single-mail, which was composed
of rings set edgewise, it seems more suitable to the rustred, in which
part of the rings were absolutely hid.

MASCLED.

The earliest specimen I have found of the mascled hauberk since
the Conquest, for it seems from an illuminated prayer-book belonging
to Cnute to have been worn by the Anglo-Danes in his reign, occurs
on the seal of Milo Fitzwalter, Earl of Hereford. We meet with it
again in an engraving of the accurate and indefatigable Mr. Strutt
from an illuminated MS. Psalter of the twelfth century, in the posses¬
sion of our worthy member F. Douce, Esq. and as we find it in the
Baieux Tapestry we have evidence that it was occasionally used so late
as the time of Henry II. In the rude workmanship of the time, it has
the appearance of intersecting wires, but a reference to the Norman
writers, and a further inquiry into heraldry, (our great assistant in
matters connected with ancient armour,) lead us not only to its name,
but also to its formation. By referring to Edmondson’s Heraldry a we
find that the mascle, a charge which the celebrated Du Cange has
proved was borrowed from the armour worn by the knights, is in
shape like a lozenge, but distinguished from it by being always perfo¬
rated, and that it is sometimes borne singly, and at others in numbers
so as to cover the field.

We are thus led to discover that the mascled, or maculated hau¬
berks, were composed of several folds of linen, covered with diamond¬
shaped pieces of steel touching each other, and perforated ; and from

a Vol. II. PI. II. fig. 66 and 67.

127

On the Body-Armour anciently worn in England.

Johannes de Janua that they were so called from their resemblance to
the meshes of fishermen’s nets, termed, by the Romans, macul*. That
the ground was linen appears by the expression of Nicholas de Braya,
who in his Life of Louis VIII. says,

Nexilibus maclis vestis distincta notatur.

By its interwoven mascles, his military tunic is conspicuously marked.

For by Vestis , we have seen in the epigram of Aldhelm, was under¬
stood the quilted linen tunic. This species of armour is mentioned
by Guillaume le Breton in the 2d book of his Philippics,

- inter

Pectus et ora fidit maculas toracis.

- between

His breast and mouth, he cleaved the mascles of his thorax >

alluding to that part of the armour which was sometimes a part of the
hauberk, and sometimes separate from it, which was termed Camail.
And again,

Restitit uncino maculis haerente plicatis.

He stood his ground, altho’ an oucin was sticking in the folded mascles :

meaning by plicatis that the lower point of one mascle was suspended
over the upper one of that underneath. The Oucin was a staff with a
hooked iron head.

The Pere Daniel, in his Histoire de la Milice Francoise, Vol. 1.
p. 280. has given us the substance of a quotation from a MS. of the
twelfth century, written by Le Moine de Mairemontier, which re¬
counts the ceremonies used at the creation of a knight. But I cannot
help regretting that he has not presented it in its original language,
because I think the word “ double” is not there to be found. He
says, “ When Geoffry, Duke of Normandy, was knighted, his arms
were brought to him, and he was invested with an incomparable coat
of mail (lorica incomparabile) wrought with double chains or links
(maclis) of iron, so closely interwoven that it was impenetrable to the

128 On the Body- Armour anciently worn in England.

— b*'' ' .

point of the lance or the arrow ; the chausses, or boots of mail, made
also in like manner with double chain work, were then given to him,
and a pair of gilt spurs were put on his feet. This done a shield was
hung upon his neck ornamented with lions of gold ; an helmet richly
decorated with precious stones, and so well tempered that no sword
could make any impression upon it, was set upon his head. A lance
was then brought him, made of oak, and surmounted with a head of
Poictou iron, and lastly a sword from the Royal Treasury.” It ap¬
pears to me that the Pere Daniel had no Latin in the original signify¬
ing double , and that “ double chains or links'’ is his translation of the
mere word maclis, to which the epithet is perhaps nexilibus , and which
he has subsequently rendered “ closely interwoven for where the
adjective does occur he inserts it as lorica incomparabilis . The military
dress therefore of Geoffry Duke of Normandy, was a hauberk and
chausses, or pantaloons, covering the feet, also of mascled armour, ex¬
actly as they are depicted in Mr. Douce’s MS. Psalter before noticed.

SCALED.

It is probable that the perforations in the rustres were found too
large securely to protect the body from the points of adverse weapons,
as we find in the reigns of Henry II. and Richard I. that they were
filled up, and perhaps made less thick, in order that the weight
might not be increased. This at once produced scale-armour, and
may be seen in the seals of the Scottish kings from Alexander Ist to
Malcolm IVth inclusive.

Imitations of the natural protections of fish had been early adopted
in the East, as coverings for defence, and had been copied by the
Greeks and Etruscans, as well as Dacians and Sarmati, but I am not
aware of their having been used in England at any other period than
during the two reigns above mentioned. Johannes de Janua calls this
species of hauberk Lorica squamata, the name by which it was known
to the ancients.

129

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

From the observations of a foreigner we are often led to conclude
what must be the custom of his own country. Thus when Giraldus in
the time of Henry II. speaks of the armour used by the Welsh, he en¬
ables us by pointing out their deficiencies to judge of what were pos¬
sessed by the English. “ Utuntur,” says he, “ loricis minoribus,
ocreisque ferreis rarius.” They make use of the smaller kind of cuirass,
i. e. such as covered the body only ; (broignes, as in the seal of David,
Earl of Huntingdon ;) and very rarely coverings for the legs studded with
iron. Now from this observation it is clear that in England there were
two kinds of armour, which we have seen from other writers were the
hauberk, and the broigne or haubergeon, and specimens of both of
which we find in the illuminations of that period. Giraldus himself,
however, does not leave us in doubt upon this point, for in his remarks
upon the best mode of carrying on a campaign in Wales, alluding to
the English troops, he says, “ Sicut igitur, ubi militares acies de piano
conveniunt, gravis ilia et multiplex armatura, tarn linea sc : quam
ferrea, milites egregie munit et ornat ; sic ubi solum in arcto confli-
guntur, & c. ; longe levis armatura praestantior.” Where , therefore , the
armies engage in aflat country , a heavy armour made of many folds of
linen covered with steel , both protects in a superior degree and decorates
the soldier , but when the engagement is in narrow defiles , SfC. a light
armour is far preferable.

At a later period the scales appear lengthened, so as to resemble leaves
or feathers, but in this form they occur mostly in representations of
St. George, St. Michael, or other allegorical figures.3 We have, however,
a very curious specimen in an illuminated MS. of the thirteenth
century in the Royal Library, now at the Museum, marked 20, B. XI.
entitled, “ Les etablissmentz des Chevalerie.” It is of a knight prac¬
tising cutting at the pell in banded armour, over which are two tunics,
and then a surcoat, with leaf-like scales on it. Leaf-like scales occur
also on a large gorget which hangs down to the waist, worn by a warrior

* The seal however of William II. is a very early specimen of this.

VOL. XIX.

130

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England .

in banded armour, in an illumination of a MS. marked Claudius, D. II.
in the Cotton Library. This large gorget or tippet was called Tour-
nicle d’eschaille, or little tunic of scales, as we learn from the Chronicle
of Flanders, which speaks of a knight wearing above his hauberk,

Un tournicle dessus aussi come d’eschaille.

A tournicle thereupon also like scales.

TEGULATED.

The scaled armour was succeeded by that made of little square plates,
covering one another in the manner of tiles ; whence not having pre¬
cisely ascertained its original appellation, I have presumed to deno¬
minate it tegulated. This kind was chiefly worn during the reigns of
John and Henry IIId, though it had commenced in that of Stephen,
and was not wholly laid aside even in the time of Edward IId. The
tomb of Sir Hugh Bardolfe, in Barham church, Norfolk, some of
the figures in the Temple church, the seal of Richd. Fitzhugh, Con¬
stable of England, A. D. 1140, and published in the Vetusta Monu-
menta, that of Edward II. and of the Scotch kings of this period,
afford specimens of this species of armour. Although this hauberk
had sometimes its capuchon or hood, we do not find that the laminae
covered the head ; but that they were laced to a tight skull-cap, and
though they extended themselves over the hands, they did so without
dividing the fingers.

The knights of Richard the First’s army were probably some clad in
this armour, and some in the scaled, for from Vinesauf’s description it
must have been of such a kind that when bent one part would scrape
against the other. He thus describes their preparations in lib. 3. c. 35.
“ Rotantur loricae ne rubigine squallescant, tractantur galeae mapulis,
ne forte pallescant, humore lambente fulgorum gladium birris exter-
guntur mucrones, ne qu4 humectatione claritudini inimica corrum-
pantur.” 'They whirled about their hauberks lest they might be foul from
rust ; they rubbed their helmets with cloths, lest they might have become

13 1

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

tarnished , the damp having dimmed the refulgence of their swords , they
wiped the blades with their cloaks, that the hostile moisture might not
spoil their brightness. This same author who was a witness to the fact
relates, that Richard Cceur de Lion observing one of the Turks
parading the fortifications of Acre in the armour of a celebrated knight
who had fallen, aimed his weapon with such strength and certainty
that the javelin it projected buried itself in his bosom.

William le Breton seems to describe the tegulated armour in the fol¬
lowing lines in a skirmish before Mante in the time of Henry II.

Tot ferri sua membra, plicis, tot quisque patents
Pectora tot coriis, tot Gambesonibus armant.

Their limbs with so much iron, each with so many little folding plates.

Their breasts with so many leathern coats, so many Gambesons, they arm.

That this tegulated armour was sometimes gilt, appears by the
figure of St. Michael, in alabaster, found at Porth Sini Cran in Mon¬
mouthshire, and now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford .

That kind of armour termed Jazerant de fer, or Jazerant d’acier,
seems to have originated from the tegulated, but it differed in these
respects, that the pieces of which it was composed were not square,
but long horizontally, and ranged above each other in the same lines.
It originated in Italy, where it was termed Ghiazzerino, probably from
its resemblance to the overlapping planks of a boat. Grose in his
Antient Armour, pi. XXX. fig. 3, gives the representation of a jazerant
cuirass formerly at Don Saltero’s Coffee-house ; and said, but I ima¬
gine without good foundation, to have belonged to king Henry VIIIth.
He describes it as consisting of small laminae of metal fixed on leather,
which yield to the motion of the body by sliding over each other. 1
believe there is a similar one at Warwick Castle. But sometimes
these plates were worn inside, being fastened by brass nails on a
buckram jacket, the heads of which appearing outside upon red silk
gave it an ornamented appearance. Such an one is in Mr. Gwennap’s
Hoplotheca, and represented in Montfaucon’s Mon. Fran. Vol. II.
PI. CXCV. The earliest mention of the “ hauberk-jazerant” is in the

s 2

132

On the Bocly-armour anciently worn in England.

Roman de Gaydon, and the Chronicle of Bertrand de Guesclin shews
the estimation in which it was held, calling it “ noble jazerant.” From
the latter composition we learn, that not only the knights but their
horses were thus protected.

Bien estoient armez de noble jazerant.

They were well armed with noble jazerant.

And,

Chascun et cheval couvert de jazeran.

Each had his horse covered with jazeran.

We also learn from him that it was worn externally, as he says,

L’escu li desrompi et le bon jazerant,

Mais le haucton fut fort qui fut de bouquerant.

His shield was pierced and his good jazeran.

But his haucton was strong, being made of buckram.

The jazerant armour was however principally used in the fourteenth
century.

SINGLE MAIL.

The single mail composed of rings set edgewise on quilted linen,
came into general use about the close of king John’s reign, and con¬
tinued to be partially worn till that of Edward I. If, however, we can
depend upon the delineations in a Saxon MS. in the Cotton Library,
marked Cleopatra, C. VI II. we find that it had been known in England
as early as the ninth century ; and would then be a species of
Irehpynjeb Bypn. In these it occurs on cuirasses, or rather broignes,
but the seal of William the Conqueror appears to represent him in a
hauberk of single-mail. An illuminated roll in the Sloane Library,
marked Y. VI. of king John’s time, containing a life of St. Gutldac,
exhibits a soldier also clad in this manner, with the addition of a
capuchon. At the commencement of Henry IIId'3 reign it covered
not only the head, but hands, legs, and feet, but although it may be
seen on the seals of this period, and more distinctly on several monu-

135

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

mental effigies, I need only advert to that of Peter, Earl of Richmond,
in the collegiate church of Aquabella, in Savoy, an engraving and
description of which may be seen in the eighteenth volume of the
Archaeologia.

Large thick rings, sewn so close together, must doubtless have been
found very heavy. Two examples are mentioned of this inconve-
nience, which seem to account for the long interval between its disuse
and revival. William the Conqueror, before his encounter with
Harold, went out with twenty-five companions to explore the country ;
and his contemporary, William of Poictou, informs us, that the road
was so deep and rugged that much praise was due to the Norman
Duke for having burthened himself with the hauberk of one of his
party, who was unable to get to the camp without putting it off. We
again learn from Ingulphus that when Earl Harold in 1063 marched
against the Welsh, his troops could not pursue them in their heavy
coats of mail, and that to ensure success he was compelled to relinquish
them for the less cumbrous leathern armour.

The single-mailed armour was subject to another evil, viz. that the
rings were liable to be cut off by the blow of a sword, and the tunic
laid bare. Thus a French MS. entitled the Roman d’Aubery, says,

Et le hauberc vait aprks desmaillent,

Ausis le cope come fit un bouquerant.

And the hauberk became, after they had despoiled it of its mail
By such a blow, as if it had been simply of buckram.

So also William Guiart, under the year 1285.

Ilyaumes fondent, targes deffacent,

Mailles chicent de gorjerettes.

Helmets they indent, targets they deface, '

The mails fell from the gorgets.

And again in the year 1304,

Bacinez fondent, boucliers faillent,

Ilaubers et gorgieres desmaillent.

Basnets they beat in, bucklers they render useless.

Hauberks and gorgets they deprive of their mails.

134

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

BANDED ARMOUR.

Perhaps it was the last mentioned circumstance that produced the
contrivance of banded armour. However, be that as it may, all the
illuminations of the reign of Henry III. and part of that of Edward I.
represent the combatants, and other military figures, in a singular
species of armour which does not occur in the sepulchral effigies.
Those of two knights in Tewkesbury church, Gloucestershire, exhibit
something like it, but not exactly. I conceive their armour to be of
rings hooked into bands of wire. It occurs, however, attached to a
basnet in an illumination of Edward III. among a collection of Treaties
of peace between France and England in the Cotton Library, marked
Nero D. VI. It is also to be met with on painted glass, but I must
confess 1 have not been able to determine of what materials it was
composed. From a comparison of several representations, I am, how¬
ever, led to conclude that it consisted of small parallelogramic pieces
of metal sewed on linen, so placed as to fold perpendicularly over
each other like palings, and kept in their places by bands or hoops
of leather. That these bands could not have been made of iron, is clear
from their passing, in some specimens, longitudinally, while the little
plates are put horizontally. This mode, however, seems of later date,
as it is accompanied with ailettes, which were not introduced till the
middle of Edward I.’s reign. Specimens of the first kind may be seen
m the Livre des Histoires MS. in the Royal Library, marked D. I. ; in
the Gestes des Roys de France, 16 G. VI. in the Sloane collection, 316,
as well as in all the illuminations of this period ; and of the latter in the
Sloane MS., 3983, a book on Astronomy, where the warrior has on a
tegulated gorget, ailettes, and greaves. But the flexibility of the bands
is more evidently demonstrated by an illumination representing the
Virgin resuscitating a dead warrior, and presenting to him a hauberk
of this very kind, at the foot of a page in the MS. Psalter in the
Royal Library, marked 2 B. VII. A print of this may be seen in
Strutt’s Supplement to his Ecclesiastical Antiquities, pi. III. N° 3.

135

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

In all the specimens, the head, hands, legs, and feet are covered with
the same kind of manufacture, but the fingers are not divided, a sepa¬
ration which seems first to have been generally adopted in the time of
Edward IIId. It is with this species of armour that knee-caps and
elbow-pieces appear to have been first used; the former hemispherical,
called poleyns,a and the latter flat circular plates, simply so termed.

I have been often inclined to consider the banded hauberk as the
gambison or wambais, because it seems to answer the description of
that species in many respects ; but as Roger Hoveden tells us that it
was only such as were not rich enough to provide themselves with
hauberks, that were compelled to procure the wambais, (while in the
illuminations we constantly see even kings thus habited,) and as the
female gambison given by Strutt is without sleeves, and not at all like
this, I feel compelled to give up this opinion.

We now reach an Epoch, as it were, in the history of old English
Armour, the triumphant reign of Edward I. ; and, between that and his
great-grandsons, the improved kinds were the Double-chain mail, the
Double-chain mail greaved, and the Double-chain mail greaved with
ailettes.

DOUBLE-CHAIN MAIL.

The warlike Edward, whose splendid victories tended to augment
his ardent thirst for military fame, was not long in adopting from the
Asiatics the more flexible hauberk of interlaced ringed armour, con¬
sisting of four rings within a fifth, each of which was rivetted, accord¬
ing to the Chronicle of Flanders,

Un hauberk clavez de double maille.

An hauberk of rivetted double mail.

* See the explanation of the word Poleyn in the index to the Account of the Wardrobe in
the time of Edward I. published by the Society of Antiquaries.

136'

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

Sepulchral effigies in this armour are extant in many churches in
England. Among* others may be noticed that of Robert de Ros, in the
Temple church, from which instructive specimen we learn that the
chaperon de mailles, or covering for the head and neck, was sometimes
thrown down so as to lie on the shoulders. The two fine monuments
attributed to the Earls of Clare in Danbury church, Essex, if rightly
drawn by Strutt, are good examples of this kind ; but according to
Gough, they appear in tegulated armour. No ancient real specimens
of this armour now exist. It covered the hands and feet, being tied
over the soles like the five last described species.

Such was the approbation of this convenient armour, that the
English monarch was not long in adopting also the Asiatic custom of
clothing his horses in mail, as may be seen in his great Seal and that
of his son ; and when he prepared to attack the renowned Scottish
chieftain Wallace, he had, according to W. Hemingford, 3000 select
knights on horses that were mailed, and 4000 on unarmed steeds.

DOUBLE CHAIN MAIL, GREAVED.

The shield and helmet amply protected the head and body of the
knight, independent of his armour; but his legs were still exposed to
the lances and weapons of the infantry. To remedy this defect the
double-chain mail was covered in front of each leg with an additional
protection of leather or quilted linen, on which were placed the
ancient flat contiguous rings, and a knight so equipped may be seen
in an illuminated Latin Psalter of this time in the Royal Library in
the British Museum, marked 2. A. XXII.

But as there was no necessity for this additional guard to be flexible,
the adoption of a piece of steel soon superseded that above described.
The original idea was probably borrowed from the statues of the an¬
cient Greeks, for the earliest specimen with which I am acquainted
occurs on the seal of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders and Emperor of Con¬
stantinople. These guards were called Bainbergs, or Bembergs, from

137

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

the German Bein-bergen, and afterwards Jambes, or Jambers. Whether
they were the same as the Emperor Leo in his Tactics calls iroSo^Wa mSripa
“ iron feet-guards,” I am not quite certain ; but in the illumination be¬
fore noticed, where they are composed of flat rings, the guards are not
only in front of the legs, but cover the whole of the feet.

In the will of St. Everard, Due de Frejus, we meet with the bequest
of “ Bruniam unam, cum halsberga, et manicam unam, bemivergas
duas, &c.” A broigne, with a hauberk, and one muffler or glove not
divided into fingers, two bainbergs, &c. And in another place, “ Bru¬
niam unam, helmum 1, et manicam 1, ad ipsum opus bembergas, See.'”
A broigne, one helmet, and one muffler, to the same work bembergs,
Sec. The Lex Ripuar. c. 36, s. 11. estimates “ bainbergas bonas pro
vi. sol. tribuat.” Good bainbergs at six shillings value.

The poleyns were generally worn with the greaves, as they had been
without; and in this manner we find a knight of the Barri family ac¬
coutred in the monumental effigies represented by Sir Richard Hoare,
in his edition of Giraldus Cambrensis, vol. ii. as well as in other sepul¬
chral remains.

DOUBLE-CHAIN MAIL, GREAYED, WITH AILETTES.

The warlike spirit of the age appears to have occasioned a continual
application towards discovering the best means of improving the known
modes of defence, as well as attack, and this was not confined to the
labours of the engineer, but extended alike to the armourer. Towards
the close of the thirteenth century and not long after the commence¬
ment of the reign of Edwrard I. a new mode of protecting the neck
was invented, wdiich consisted of small plates of steel placed on the
shoulders, sometimes called, from their resemblance to little standards,
Gonfanons. They are likewise mentioned by the name of ailettes, or
little wings, in that curious document of the sixth year of this monarch,
relative to a tournament in Windsor Park, given in the XVIIIth vo¬
lume of the Archaeologia; and in the Statuta armorum in Torniamentis,

VOL. xix.

1 38 On the Body-armour anciently worn in England .

a few years after, by that of shoulder plates. We find that they were
sometimes worn with the banded-armour, as it was occasionally used
during this period. No notice, however, is taken of any thing of this
kind in that valuable detail of expenses printed by the Society of
Antiquaries, entitled, “ An Account of the Wardrobe in the 28th year
of Edward I.” Among the payments there enumerated for the “ factura
diversorum armorum,” we find those for jamberis, greaves , poleynis,
knee-pieces , and platis, elbow-plates , but not a word that can be con¬
strued into the signification of gonfanons. We learn, however, from
seals and illuminations that they continued in fashion till the middle
of the reign of Edward III.

In the specimens extant, we see them placed sometimes in front of
the shoulders, sometimes behind, and at others on the sides ; whether,
therefore, they were fixed in these positions or made to traverse, I can¬
not pretend to determine ; though from one appearing in front, while
the other is behind in the pair worn by the knight in the Liber Astro¬
nomic, a MS. in the Sloane Library, marked N° 3983, I am inclined to
the latter opinion. Their shape was equally varied; they were square,
round, pentagonal, and shieldlike; sometimes plain, but generally orna¬
mented with the family arms, or the cross of St. George.

In the illumination just mentioned they are worn with greaves
without poleyns. In a very fine specimen, viz. the monument of Sir
Roger de Trumpington, in Trumpington church, Cambridgeshire, they
appear with the poleyns, but without the greaves. The Chronicon
Colmariense, under the year 1298, gives us a very instructive account
of the armour of that period, but omits to notice the gonfanons. “ Igitur
Rex Adolphus contra Ducem Austriae cum magna multitudine veni-
entem, in occursum currit cum hominum armata multitudine copiosa.
Armati reputabantur, qui galeas ferreas in capitibus habebant, et qui
wambasia, id est, tunicam spissam ex lino et stuppa, vel veteribus
pannis consutam, et desuper camisiam ferream, id est, vestem ex circulis
ferreis contextam per quae nulla sagitta arcus poterat hominem vul-
nerare. Ex his armatis centum inermes mille laedi potuerunt. Habe-

139

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

bant et multos, qui habebant dextrarios;1* id est, equos magnos, qui
inter equos communes, quasi Bucephalus Alexandri, inter alios emine-
bant. Hi equi cooperti fuerunt coopertoriis ferreis, id est veste ex
circulis ferreis contexta. Assessores dextrariorum habebant loricas
ferreas, habebant et caligas manipulos ferreos, et in capitibus galeas
ferreas splendidas et ornatas, et alia multa quae me taeduit enarrare.”
“ Therefore King Adolphus marched with an immense multitude of
men at arms to meet the Duke of Austria, who was coming against
him with a powerful army. Those termed men at arms, wore iron
helmets on their heads, and wambases, which were thick tunics quilted
with linen and tow, or old cloth ; and upon their wambases a shirt of
mail, that is, a garment woven together of circles of iron, through which
no bow had power to send its arrows deep enough to wound a man.
Of these men at arms one hundred were enough to injure a thousand
unarmed. They had also many who were mounted on chargers, that
is, great horses, which excelled common ones, as Bucephalus the steed
of Alexander did. These horses were barded with iron housing, that
is, with vestments woven together with iron circles. The riders of
these chargers wore iron loricas, boots and gloves of iron, and on their
heads splendid and highly ornamented iron helmets, and had many
other appointments , which it would be tedious to detail.” It may be
observed here that the camisia ferrea which is said to be made not of
annulis but circulis ferreis, is distinguished from the lorica ferrea, the
usual expression for the hauberk or coat of mail. Is it the same as the
mailles rondes de haute cloeure of this period ? and do they refer to
the banded armour? I must confess I have not met with housings
thus depicted in any illumination.

But what was considered a full appointment in this very year, 1298,
seems pointed out by the will of Odo de Rossilion. “ Item do et lego
Domino Petro de Monte Ancelini praedicto centum libras Turonenses,
et unam integram armaturam de armaturis meis, videlicet, me urn
heaume & visiere, meutti bassignetum, ineum porpoinetum de Cen-

^ . * -« / -V _ A -v . .........

* They were called Dextrarii, or Destriers, because the attendant led them by the right hand.

T 2

140

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

dallo, meum godbertum, meum gorgretum, meas buculas, meurn
gaudichetum, meas trumulieres d’acier, meos cuissellos, meos chan-
tones (qu. if not Chautones) meum magnum cutellum et meam parvam
ensem.” “ Item, I leave and bequeath to the Lord Peter de Mon-
tancelin aforesaid, a hundred pounds Tournois, (about £25. sterling)
and one complete suit of armour from my collection, namely, my
vizored helmet, my basnet, my pourpoint of taffety, my godebers,
(a military vest, qu.) my gorget, my buckles, my gaudichet, my steel

leg guards, my thigh coverings, my . (qu. if chau^ons, i. e.

breeches of mail) my great knife, and my little sword.”

Our second epoch in the history of armour may be dated in the latter
part of Edward III.’s reign, in which the double-chain mail became so
covered with pieces of steel to cause them in a little time to supersede
it altogether. This, therefore, the prototype of plate armour, I have
termed mixed.

MIXED.

The monumental figure of Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick,
who died in the year 1370, and was buried in St. Mary’s Church,
Warwick, compared with some others of the same period, and that of
Sir Guy Brian, A. D. 1391, will afford a very good idea of what 1 have
denominated Mixed Armour. The double-chain hauberk, owing to
its weight, had been found to press injuriously upon the chest, and
therefore productive of sudden faintings, and inability to proceed in
such an active manner as military evolutions require. To remedy this,
a breast-plate of steel was contrived, called plastron de fer, which
being placed underneath, kept the mail supported at a sufficient dis¬
tance from the stomach. The fine equestrian statue at Milan of Bernabo
Visconti, of which very accurate engravings are given in the XVIIIth
volume of the Archaeologia, affords a very decisive proof of this useful
invention. The idea, however, was not altogether new, a small piece

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England. 14 I

of steel had been worn by the nobles in their tilting matches, so early
as Henry IId’s time; for William le Breton speaking of one between
William de Barres and Richard Coeur de Lion, then Earl of Poictou,
observes, that they encountered with so much fury that their lances
pierced through each other’s bucklers, hauberks, and gambesons, but
were resisted by a plate of wrought iron worn beneath.

Utraque per clipeos ad corpora fraxinus ibat
Gambesumque audax forat et Thoraca trilicem
Disjicit j ardenti nimium prorumpere, tandem
Vix obstat ferro fabricata patena recocto.

Through both shields did the ashen lances reach their bodies.

Entering the daring gambeson, the treliced hauberk
Being pierced, they charged with such excessive ardour that
The little plate of wrought iron scarce resisted the blow.

In an illuminated MS. in the Royal Library, marked 14. E.V. written
at the commencement of the fifteenth century, which is soon after the
adoption of the breast-plate, is a military figure, having on a cuirass,
over which he is slipping a coat of mail. About the same period we
find it noticed by Chaucer in his Canterbury Tales, by the name of
Haubergeon, which in the above noticed illumination it appears by its
pendant chain fringe somewhat to resemble. This old poet in his
Rhyme of Sir Thopas thus describes his military habit,

He did on his white lere
Of cloth of lake fine and clere,
A breche, and eke a sherte.
And next his sherl an Haketon,
And over that an Habergeon
For percyng of his herte
And over that a fine Ilauberke.

But besides this improvement, the sleeves of the hauberke upon each
shoulder were covered by four overlapping plates, pendant from which
on the exterior of the upper arm, was a plate which reached within
four or five inches of the elbow. This was fastened on by two straps,

142

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

iftd denominated Brassart. The elbow, as before, was protected by a
circular plate, at first a little curved, and afterwards made convex,
sometimes termed elbow-gussets. The lower arm was enveloped by
ft steel covering called avant-bras, or vambrace, the under part of
which, for it consisted of two pieces joined by hinges, was termed
arri&re-bras, or rerebrace. For the hands were invented gloves of
plate with fingers, called gauntlets. The mail on the thighs had, in
front, plates of steel denominated cuissets ; and sometimes, as in the
instance of Bernabo Visconti, behind, coverings composed of six
parallel longitudinal pieces each. Below the poleyns, the legs were
encased with steel called j ambers, between which and the instep, the
chain for the convenience of bending the foot remained visible. In
the instance of Sir Guy Brian, instead of these we see three long plates
of steel above and below the knee-caps, one in front, and one on each
side. The instep was covered with a plate, between which and the cap
over the toes were four overlaying pieces, the whole being rivetted
together. Instead of the gonfanons the throat was protected by a chain
covering that surrounded the neck and hung down to the shoulders like
a tippet, being appended to the basnet. This was called the cerveliere.

This mixed armour is well enumerated in the Libertates Brianzon.
Anno 1343, “ Et omnes de dicto numero cum propunctis, gorgeriis,
bacignotis alberjontis, cirothecis ferreis, platis seu alberjonis malliae
competentis, &c.” “ And all of the said number competent to wear

pourpoints, gorgets, basnets furnished with chain-mail hauberk wise,
iron gauntlets, plate armour, or haubergeons of mail, &c.” The gorget
1 have not described, it was evidently in the above quotation not the
double-chain envelopement. By a French statute in the year 1351,
Ordinat. Reg. Franc, tom. iv. p. 69, artic. 8, it appears to have been
worn with it : “ Arme de plates de cervelliere de gorgerette, &c.”
“ Armed with cervelliere plates, with gorget, &c.” And yet from
\Villiam Guiart we learn that it was of laced work :

Hyaumes mis, Gorgieres laci£s.

Helmets fixed, gorgets of laced work.

Oil the Body-armour anciently worn in England • 1,4$

In a poetical Romance in MS, entitled Le Chevalier delibere, it is
thus described.

•Te te donne pour ton prouffit
Ce Gorgery fait de tel guyse
Qu’il est mesle de barbe grise.

1 give thee for thy benefit

This gorget, made in such a manner

That it is mixed with grizzled beard.

In a charter dated 1324, Reg. Rob. Comit. Provin. the cervelliere
and gorget occur as distinct, thus, “ Certae quantitatis coriarium, gor-r
gialium, cervellarum, & c. gorgialium et cervellarum CCL.” Of a
certain quantity of leathern coats, of gorgets, cervellieres, &c. of
gorgets and cervellieres two hundred and fifty.

The armour, however, of a few years later seems best to explain
the distinction ; for we then observe that the sepulchral effigies
have round the neck a plate of iron, and below it a tippet, which hung
over the chest and shoulders; the former of these was the cervelliere,
the latter the gorget.

PLATE ARMOUR.

The adoption of the mixed armour soon pointed out by experience
the inutility of retaining the ringed hauberk and chausses. The thighs
and legs were no longer covered with double-chain mail, and the arms
only partially, and in few instances. A back-plate was added, which
with the breast-plate formed a cuirass ; to this two or three overlapping
encircling plates were ri vetted, from which before and behind hung an
apron of double-chain mail.

Such was the armour of a knight during the reigns of Richard II.
and Henry IV. and such a cuirass though not earlier than the time of
Edward IV. may be seen in Mr. Gwennap's Hoplotheca. So late as
this last monarch’s time it was used by the private soldiery, and espe¬
cially the archers, but without any surcoat, as appears from the en-

144

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England.

gravings to the second volume of Strutt’s Manners and Customs of the
English. The latest monument, however, on which we find this
armour, (used with a surcoat) is that of Ralph Neville, Earl of West¬
moreland, in Staindrop church, Durham; and he died in the year 1426.

So early as the middle of Henry IYth’s time the plated armour first
appeared divested of its surcoat, and improved by roundels in front of
the shoulders, with a garde de rein of several overlapping pieces to
protect behind from one hip to the other, and a similar guard in front,
which Pere Daniel terms tassettes, a word of German imposition, from
their covering the pockets ; in imitation of which those large flaps
appended to the breast-plate of the pikemen in the time of James I.
were made and denominated. These supplanted the use of the aprons
of double-chain mail.

The first specimen in which also the roundels are quite round, is af¬
forded by the monumental effigies in brass of Sir John Lysle, who died
in 1407, and was buried in Thruxton church, Hampshire. His elbows
are protected by fan-shaped gussets. No chain is used at all, but eight
successively pendant plates form the tassettes, and the gorget is also
of plate.

But this improvement was not generally adopted till ten years after,
when round, pentagonal, hexagonal, winged, shield-like, and other
fancifully shaped roundels made their appearance. The poleyn also
became adorned at the termination of the fourteenth century by a
plate just below laid upon the j amber, and fastened by straps round
it ; and about the year 1430 by a similar one above. These were after¬
wards increased in number, and made pointed or invecked, according
to the caprice of the wearer. They were about this time termed
genouilleres.

The Duke of Somerset’s monument at Wimborne Minster, Dorset¬
shire, demonstrates that the roundels in the year 1440 had been ex¬
changed for the more beautiful fan-shaped pauldrons, or epauldrons ;
and that the lowest plate of the tassets had, buckled on and pendant
from it, two small ornamented plates, one of which hung over each

145

On the Body-armour anciently worn in England .

cuissette, or thigh piece, and denominated cnissart. Sometimes a
similar one was placed between these, and this fashion continued till
the latter part of the reign of Henry VIIth.

About the same period a curious kind of armour was adopted for
tournaments, which was intended to supersede the use of the shield.
It may be seen made of brass or copper gilt on the monument of
Richard, Earl of Warwick, in St. Mary’s church, Warwick. The
joints for the left elbow are made of four successive pieces, increasing
in height as they approach the shoulder, so as, when the arm was bent
in the natural position for holding the bridle, to form a kind of shield.
The cuissettes are in several pieces and covered by cuissarts. The
upper edges, in this instructive specimen of plate armour, of the paul-
drons, are turned up so as in some degree to protect the neck, which
evidently gave rise to those perpindicular plates subsequently fixed on
the pauldrons, and termed pass-guards. This mode of protecting the
neck is more clearly defined in the curious monumental brass of Sir
Thomas Sherbone, at Sherbone in Norfolk, who died in the
year 1458.

I have now brought down my remarks on body-armour to the close
of the reign of Henry VI. after which period it seems to be pretty
generally understood. I might have offered some observations on the
gambeson, hauketon, and other military habiliments, but I am aware I
ought rather to beg your pardon for troubling you with this long
letter, which seemed fast approaching to a treatise. In the hope, how¬
ever, that the facts it contains may not be unacceptable to the Society
of Antiquaries, I shall at once bring it to a close, by subscribing myself

Your’s most respectfully,

SAM. R. MEYRICK.

College of Advocates, Doctors’ Commons,

6th Nov. 1817-

To Henry Ellis, Esq.

VOL. XIX.

146

XVIII. Communication of the Seal and Style of the Master and
Chaplains of the Savoy Hospital in the Strand. By William
Bray, Esq. Treasurer , in a Letter to Samuel Lysons, Esq.
Vice President , fyc. fyc.

Read 12th March, 1818.

SlR, Great Russell-street, 5th March, ISIS.

The Savoy in the Strand was built by Peter de Savoy, uncle to
Queen Eleanor, wife of Hen. III. and took its name from the builder.
It belonged to Hen. VII . as Duke of Lancaster, and he began to
build an Hospital here to provide lodging, food, fire, and attendance,

The Seal and Style of the Master , fyc. of the Savoy Hospital. 147

for a certain time, for the poor, sick, lame, or travellers. Stow tells
us, that this king died before he had finished it, but by his will pro¬
vided for that purpose, and left it well endowed. It was completed
by his son Hen. VIII. who perhaps spared it on the dissolution from
respect to his father’s memory. It did not escape so well in the time
of his successor ; King Edward’s guardians seized it under an act
which they got passed for suppression of Chantries. The estates were,
however, applied to better purposes than many others were ; the king
gave them with Bridewell to the city of London, to found a work-
house for poor and idle persons, and to enable them to finish the hos¬
pital of St. Thomas in Southwark.

When Queen Mary came to the crown she re-founded it, the ladies
of her court storing it with beds and other furniture. It consisted of
a Master and four Chaplains, and they remained under Queen
Elizabeth and her successors. Tho. Thurland was master in the
early part of her reign, and is charged with having wasted the goods
and estate which belonged to it.

From that time the Crown appointed the Masters, the last of whom
was Dr. Killigrew by Charles II. in 1663. The Chaplains were pro¬
posed by the Master, and appointed by him and the other Chaplains.
In 1661 the Chaplains’ lodgings were burnt, and by an Act 22, 23,
Cha. II. 1670, power was given to lease them for 40 years. In the
Dutch war 1675, the dormitory and beds were taken for the sick and
wounded soldiers and seamen, under a promise to restore them ; but
instead of that a regiment of foot was put in, and the Crown has kept
possession ever since. In the time of Charles II. it was much resorted
to by the Popish priests, and under James II. they set up a Popish
school here. King William settled many French Protestant families
in it on their flying from the French persecution.

Under Charles II. there was a visitation of this Hospital, and an¬
other under James II. but nothing was done on either. In 1700 there
was another by the two Archbishops, several Bishops, Noblemen, and
some of the Judges ; a report was made, but King William dying, it

u 2

148 The Seal and Style of the Master , $c. of the Sarny Hospital.

took no effect. In 1702 it was again taken up by the Lord Keeper
Wright, as Visitor of all Hospitals of royal foundation ; four Chaplains
appeared, but there being no Master, the Lord Keeper removed them,
and declared the Hospital dissolved, and ordered that it should be cer¬
tified to the Exchequer, in order that the Queen might found another.
A bill was brought into, and passed, the House of Commons, to incor¬
porate one Master, one Chaplain, and twenty poor Widows, but was
rejected by the Lords, who declared that a Visitor was to correct
abuses, not to dissolve.

The building of Waterloo bridge has occasioned the destruction of
great part of the buildings which remained.

I am not aware that the Seal of this Hospital has been engraved ; if
you think a drawing of it taken from one of the leases granted in the
early part of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, with the long title of the
Master and Chaplains there inserted, worth the notice of the Society,
you will please to lay it before them. I am, Sir,

Your most humble servant,

W. BRAY.

Description of the Master , c §'C. of the Savoy , taken from a Deed dated
early in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

Magrm perpet’ Hospitalis de ley Savoy in parocliia Sti Clement. JDacor extra
Barras Novi Templi London, et nup parocti bfe Marie de Stronde in Com Midd
vocat’ Hospitale de le Savoy ex fundatoe Henrici Septimi nup Regis Anglie avi
Dne Marie nup Regine Anglie et Capellanos ppet’ hospital, predict’, alias diet’
Magrm et Capellanos perpet’ Hospitalis de le Savoy in p. Sti Clement. Dacor
extra Barras Novi Templi London et nup poefr Sfe Marie de Strond in Com Midd
vocat. Hospitale de le Savoy ex fundatoe Henrici Septimi nuper regis Anglie
avi domine Marie nup regine Anglie, alias diet’ Magrm et Capellanos ppet
Hospital, de le Savoy ex fundatoe Henrici Septimi quondam regis Anglie avi
dne Marie nup regine Anglie, alias diet’ Magrm Hospitalis de le Savoy ex
fundatoe Henrici Septimi quond. Regis Anglie avi dne Marie nup Regine Anglie
et Capellanos ppet. Hospitalis pred. alias diet’ Magrm et quatuor Capellan
ppet Hospitalis de le Savoy ex fundatoe Henrici Septimi nup regis Anglie avi
dne Marie nup regine Anglie, alias diet’ Magrm Hospital, de le Savoy ex funda¬
toe Henrici Septimi nup regis Anglie avi dne Marie nup regine Anglie et quatuor
Capellanos ppet Hospitalis predict’ alias diet’ Magrm Hospital. Henrici nuper
regis Anglie septimi de Savoy in Com Midd et Capellanos perpet. ejusdem
Hospitalis, alias diet’ Magrm et Capellanos ppet’ Hospital. Henrici nup regis
Anglie septimi de Savoy in Com Midd.

149

XIX. Six Original Letters addressed from Persons high in the
State , in the Years 1647 and 1648, to Col . Hammond , Governor
of the Isle of Wight , chiefly relating to the intended Escape 'of
King Charles the First from the Castle of Carisbrook. Commu¬
nicated by Taylor Combe, Esq . F.R.S. Director.

Read 28th May, 1818.

N° 1.

Original Letter from Oliver Cromwell to Col. Robert Hammond,
Governor of the Isle of Wight. Jan. 3d, 1647.

“ Deerest Robin,

<c]Vowe (blessed bee God) I can write and thou receaue, freely, l
never in my life sawe more deepe sence, and lesse will to shewe ill
unchristianly, then in that wch thou diddest write to us when wee
were att Windsor, and thou in the middest of thy tentation, wch
indeed (by what wee understood of itt) was a great one, and occa-
sioened the greater, by the letter the Generali sent thee, of wch,
thou wast not mistaken, when thou didest challenge mee to bee the
pener. How good has God beene to dispose all to mercy, and, al¬
though itt was trouble for the prsesent, yett glory is come out of itt,
for wch wee prayse the Lord with thee, and for thee, and truly thy
carriage has beene such, as occasions much honor to the name of God,
and too religion, Goe onn in the strength of the Lord, and the Lord
bee still with thee. But (Deere Robin) this businesse hath beene (I
trust) a mighty providence to this poore kingdom, and too us all.
The House of Comons is very sensible of the Kg5 dealinges, and

150

Original Letters to Col. Hammond ,

of our Brethrens, in this late transaction. You should doe well (if
you have any thing that may discover juglinge) to search itt out and
lett us knowe itt, itt may bee of admirable vse att this tyme, because
wee shall (I hope) instantly goe upon businesses in relation to them,
tendinge to prseuent danger. The house of Comons has this day
voted as followes, first that they will make noe more addresses to the
K. 2. none shall apply e to him without leaue of the two houses
vpon paine of beinge guilty of high Treason ; 3Iy. they will receave
nothinge from the Kinge nor shall any other bringe any thinge to
them from him, nor receaue any thinge from the Kinge. Lastly the
membres of both houses, whoe were of the comittee of both King¬
doms are established in all that power in themselves for England and
Ireland which they had to act wtb both kingdoms, and Sr. John Evelin
of Wilts is added in the roome of Mr. Recorder, and Nath. Ffienis in
the roome of Sr. Phillip Stapleton, and my Lord of Kent in the roome
of the E. of Essex. I thinke itt good you take notice of this, the
sooner the better.

“ Lett us knowe how its with you in point of strength, and what
you neede from us ; some of us thinke the Kinge well wth you, and
that itt concernes us to keepe that Island in great securitye because of
the French, &c. and if soe, where can the Kinge be better, if you have
more force you wilbe suer of full prouision for them. The Lord
bless thee, pray for

Thy deere freind and seruant,

“ O. CROMWELL.’’

my I/1 Whartons, neere tenn att night,

Jan. 3d. 1647.

“ Ffor Col. Robert Hamond, Gouemor of the Isle of Wight theise.

For the seruice of the Kingdom, hast Post hast.

Oliuer Cromwell.”

chiefly relating to K. Charles I.
N° 2.

J 5 1

Original Letter from Lord Say and Seale to Col. Hammond, Governor
of the Isle of Wight. Jan. 31, 1647.

“ Sr,

“ Wee have received yor Letter of the 28th instant, wherein you
desire to have the approbation of this Committee concerning- the
fower Gentlemen by you appointed to watch in their courses at the
Kings Chamber dore. Wee thinke it lit that in this businesse you
should make your application to the Houses, from whom Wee doubt
not you will receive Orders in that particular. For the money ap¬
pointed for the fortification of the Castle it was to be furnished by
the Committee of the Army by the appointm* of this Committee wch
accordingly they presently did, & desired them to send thither with
all speed, & of this, informacon hath beene given to the Gentleman
you mention, who sollicits yor businesse which is all that can be done
at this Committee for it.

“ Signed in the name and by the warrant of
the Committee at Derby House, by
Your affectionate friend,

W. SAY & SEALE.”

“ Derby House, 31° January 1647.”

“ For Colonel Robert Hammond, Governour of
the Isle of Wight, these are.”

N°. 3.

Original Letter from General Fairfax to Colonel Robert Hamond,
Governour of the Isle oj Wight. Feb. 5, 1647.

“ Sr.

You see by these inclosed Votes how great a burthen the par-
liam* hath laid vppon me. I doe heerby send to you, That you
would instantlie send mee a List of such as are att present about the

152

Original Letters to Col. Hammond ,

Kinge who are psons fitt to bee confided in, if you have any in the
Island worthy of that trust, I would desire you to send their names
alsoe in the same List : And if you cannot fill uppe the number of
thirtie with you, which I should bee glad you could, then I desire you
to send mee the Qualitie of those that will bee wanting that soe they
may bee supplyed from hense : It will bee necessarie That you hasten
this Businesse seing the parliam* expects a speedy and eflfectuall
obervance of their comand heerin. I purpose soe soone as I have
received yor list to make the number vppe, and lay itt before the par-
liam‘ to receive their approbation and allowance for my indemp-
nitie ; you see by the votes, That the Number of thirtie (of all sortes)
Gentlemen, and their servants, Cookes, Butlers, &c. may nott bee ex¬
ceeded, and therfore it will bee fitt, That a respect bee had to all
occasions and necessities of the Household ; wishing you all successe
in your great trust and charge : I rest

“ Yor assured freind,

“ T. FAIRFAX.”

“ Queenstreete, 5° February 1647.”

“ For Colonell Robert Hamond,

Governor of the Isle of Wight.”

N° 4.

Original Letter , in cypher , from Lord Northumberland to Col. Robert

Hammond. March 13, 1647.

“Sr,

“Wee have received informacon that there are now 60. 83. 48. 50.
166. 21. 11. 8. 6. 12. 29. 15. 39. 82. 53. 76. 41. 85. 76. 41. 58. 9. 87. 88.
32. 88. 4. 140. 75. 164. 84. 26. 99. 71. 18. 64. 44. be 58. 57. 61. 49. 32.

45. 42. in 101. 1. 83. 148. & y‘ the 114. 103. 74. 17. 40. 52. 50. 67. 84.
97. of 67. 3. 99. 21. 9. y1 no 78. 6. 15. 34. 41. 14. 133. 114. 23. 7. 99.
88. who 107. 91. 15. 95. 50. 120. 87. 9. 100. 120. 56. 76. 61. 34. 77. 9.

46. 15. 11. 35. 33. 1. 3. 53. 18. 164. 116. who the 103. 104. 10. 61. 17.

chiefly relating to K. Charles I.

153

78. 45. 93. 40. 35. 8. 83. 15. 20. 11. 60. 46. 76. 23. 50. 87. 110. 61. 120.
73. 64. 47. 95. 57. 82. 12. round 60. 1. 26. 50. 104. 3. 40. 69. 34. to 17.
65. 7. 34. 85. 64. 1. 81. 50. 29. 52. service 109. 103. 32. 116. 88. 53. 64.
109. Yet Wee thought fitt to give you this advertisement that you
might ye more carefully watch against itt.

Signed in y® Name and by ye Warrant of
ye Comttee sitting at Derby House by

Yor very Loveing ffriend,
NORTHUMBERLAND.

“ Darbie House,

13° Martij, 1647”

“ For Colonel Robert Hammond,

Governr of the Isle of Wight.”

Decyphered as follows :

Sir,

Wee have received informacon that there are now some desynes in
agitation concerning the King's escape, who is to he carried into France ,
and that there are two of those that now atend the King upon whom
they rely for ejecting this escape . Who they are we ca?mot discover, nor
yet what grounds they have to expect their service in it; Yet we
thought fitt to give you this advertisement, that you might the more
carefully watch against it.

Etc. etc. etc.

N° 5.

Original Letter from II. Ireton , T. Harrison, John Disbrowe, and E.
Grosvener to Col. Robert Hamond. Nov. 14, 1648.

“ Sweete Robin,

“ Our relation is soe nigh upon the best accompt, that nothing can
concerne yow or us, but Wee beleeve they are of a mutuall con¬
cernin' : And therefore wee hold ourselues much obliged to transmitt
you this inclosed (coming from a sure hand to us) not onely as relating
to yours or o’ particular, but likewise as a matter of vast importance
to the publick.

VOL. XIX.

154

Original Letters to Col. Hammond ,

“ ltt hath pleased God (and wee are perswaded in much mercy)
euen miraculously to dispose the heartes of yor freinds in the Army,
as One man (together wth the concurrence of the godly from all
parts) to interpose in this Treatie, yett in such wise both for matter
& manner as, w ee beleeve, will not onely refresh the bowells of the
Saints, & all other faithful! people of this kingdome, But bee of
satisfaction to every honest member of Parham1 when tendred to
them & made publick, which wilbee wthin a very few daies ; And
considering of what a consequence the escape of the king from yow
(in the Interim) maie prooue, Wee hast this dispatch to yow together
wth or most earnest request, That (as yow tender the interest of this
Nation, of Gods people, or of anie morall men : or as yow tender the
ending of Englands troubles, or desire that Justice & Righteousnes
maie take place,) Yow would see to the securing of that Person from
escape, whether by retorning of him to the Castle, or such other waie
as in thy wisdome & honesty shall seeme meetest. Wee are confident
yow will receiue in few daies a Duplicate of this desire, and an assur¬
ance from the Generali & Army to stand by yow in itt : And in the
meane time for o’ parts (though itt maie not bee very considerable
to yow) Wee doe hereby ingage to owne you with or lives & for¬
tunes therein, Wch wee should not so forwardly expresse, but that Wee
are impelled to the premisses in dutie & conscience to God and Men.

“ The Lord (yors and or God) bee yor Wisdome & Courage in
this & all things, however Wee have done or duty, & witnessed
the affections of

Deare Hamond

Yor most intire & faithful!

brethren, freinds, & servants,

“ Windsor, 14“' 9ber 1648."

H. I RETON,

T. Harrison,

E. Grosvener, John Disbrowe.

“ For or honoble freind Colonell
Robert Hamond,
theise.

chiefly relating to K. Charles I.

155

N° 6.

Lord Salisbury to Col. Hammond. Nov. 18, 1648.

Sir,

Since our last Wee have receiued againe advertisem* from a good
hand that the designe holdes for the kings Escape, and to escape all
suspicion from You, he intends to walke out on foote a mile or two, as
usually in the daytime, Sc there Horses are layd in the Isle to carry
him to a boate. If he cannot doe this, then either over the House in
the night or at some privat Window, in the night, he intends his pas¬
sage ; Wch we thought fitt againe to give you notice of, that you may
make such use of it for prevention as you shall see Cause.

Signed in the name & by the Warrant of the Committee
of Lords & Commons at Darbyhouse by

Your very affectionate Friend

“ Darbyhouse, 18 Novemb. 1648.”

SALISBURY.

“ P.S.

We desire you to comunicate this to the Commission" there,
And also, if you shall finde the king hath escaped, to give Us notice
with all possible speed.”

“ For Collonel Robert Hammond
Govemor of the Isle of Wight.”

156

XX. Observations on a Fragment of a very ancient Greek Manu¬
script on Papyrus , together with some Sepulchral Inscriptions
from Nubia, lately received by the Earl of Mountnorris ; in a
Letter from Thomas Young, M.D. F.R.S. addressed to
Taylor Combe, Esq. F.R.S. Director.

Read 11th June, 1818.

I. The fragment of papyrus contains eight parallel and equidistant
lines of the original manuscript, with five interlineations in a different
hand, apparently unconnected with them, and consisting chiefly of
numbers, with some abbreviated words. It is a sort of genealogy,
perhaps the beginning of a deed ; the characters are much like those
of the manuscript deciphered by Schow, but more distinct ; and there
is every reason to think them at least as ancient : so that if Schow was
right in considering the Borgian manuscript as of the second century,
we must refer this fragment to the same period. It was sent over
from Egypt by Mr. Salt, together with a variety of other remains of
antiquity, many of them extremely interesting, but without any ac¬
count of the exact place in which it was found. In modern characters
it must stand nearly thus :

. . , tov ttoct^ ix.fji.tvov (ptm; p.»jTpo? no . . . na
SrjS , tov 9T£ ? outvouovtov f/.riT^og Bn iaa.T(>o
orctTg ot.fjuvov<piu<; tov Ttvtaovrigtut; fxvT . . i)
Tivtaovri^tou; tov vooTt^c, ccfjotavoq fjoriTgo
. TTooT^a.iA.ivovtpeo)';

avTui tov tvf
. uv

Patris Amenuphis, matris Tiu . . tia . .

. . thes : patris Aetnaeuti, matris Thinsatir . .
patris Amenuphis, filii Tinesueris, matris E. .
Tinesueris, patris Amisis, matris . . .

. . . . patris Amenuphis . . .

. ri

. eorum istum ad

. um.

The interlineations seem to be principally memorandums of weights;
Au appears to be meant for a/t^, the * and u having been perpetually

Fragment of a Greek MS. on Papyrus , &;c.

1 57

confounded by the Egyptians ; the a turned sideways, < , was the
mark of a drachm, and probably the original of the modern 5, to which
the character of the fragment approaches in a slight degree. The
mark for ounces is wanting.

The sepulchral inscriptions are from Kalabshe or Calaptshi : they
are very coarsely engraved on sandstones, and emulate in their ortho¬
graphy the accuracy of our own country churchyards.

II.

TH TOY ©Y AGCnO
ZONTOC ZWN
TAC TE KAI NEKP
OYC EXPHCATO
H MAKAPIA AIA
€OCA TEAEI TOY
BIOY TOYTO CN M
N nAXWN IG IN
Al, V O ec ANA
riAYCH THN TY
XHN AYTHC ©N
OKTINIAIC ATI
U)N AMHN

III

6N0A KATA
KHTH O MAKAPI
OC ABPAAM 6T€

A€O0H TYBI VH IN
A€K, I, O ©C ANA
nAYCON THN S'

YN TOY AOYAOC. .

€N KOAniC AB. . .

AM K, ICAK K. . .

AKCOB AM. . .

6ICKYNHY. . .

. NMI . . .

Jussu Dei domi-
ni vivo-
rum et mortuor
um : Usa est
beata Aed
eosa fine
vitae hujus men-
sis Pachon seu Maii XV. In ¬
dict. X. Dens tran
quillet ani-
mam ejus in
habitationibus sancto¬
rum. Amen,

Hie ja-
cet bea-

tus Abraam. Perfec-
tus est Tybi seu Jan. XVIII. In¬
dict. X. Deus tran-
quilla ani-
mam servi tui
in sinubus Abra¬
am et Isaac et J
acob. Amen.

158

Fragment of a Greek MS . on Papyrus ,

IV.

Hie ja-

. . NBA KATAK. .

TE H MAKAPIA
©ICAYPIA €T€A€U)

OH M A0YP A IN
Al, H : cO ©C ANAIIAY
CON THN 'PYXHN
AYTHC €N KOAAI
HIC A B PA AM K,

Ycaak k, Va

KCOB T€NITO
AMHN gj

.... A KA . . .

. .HTH O MAKA
PIOC CAMCU)N
GT€ A€O0H HA
EIN MH KA EN
T6KA I A CIO
O 0C ANAnAY
CON AOY TOY A
OY COY CAMCu). .

€N KOAnil . .

PAAM K, I. . .

K K, I AKu)B
AMHN

•|. . IEX . . . I . . BIOY
6XPHCATO O MA
KAPIOC MHNA
€T€AIW0H M.
<t>AM€NU)0 r
INA iA KE IY XE
ANAnAYCON THN
'PYXH TOY AOY AO
COY €N TOO BIOTIN
U) €N TU) ANA'PYXCY
. . . AnON A B PA AM

cet beata

Thisauria. Perfccta
est M. Athyr seu Nov. IV. In¬
dict. VIII. Deiis tranquil-
la animam
ejus in sinu
bus Abraam et
Isaac et Ja
cob. Fiat.

Amen, gj!

Hie ja-
cet bea-
tus Samson.

Perfectus est Pa-
yni mensis seu Jun. XXI. In¬
dict. XIV [anno xmo?]

Deus tranquil-
la serv
i tui Samson
in sinubus Ab¬
raam et Isaa
c et Jacob.

Amen.

Fine vitae
usus est bea-
tus Mena.

Perfectus est M.

Phamenoth seu Mart. III.

Indict. XIV. Domine Jesu Christe

tranquilla a-

nimani servi

tui in splendor

e, in revivificatione

. . sinum Abraam.

with some Sepulchral Inscriptions from Nubia.

1 59

® * ©
Yn€P MNHMHC
K, ANAnAYC€WC
THC MAKAPIAC
NIKGA GTGAG
tO0H n AYNI

V©: I N A, E
ANAflAYCH
O ©C GK KOAnO. .
ABPAAM

VII.

Pro memoria
et requie
beatae

Niceae. Perfec-
ta est Payni seu Jun.
XIX: Indict. V.
Tranquillet
Deus in sinu
Abraam.

The Christians of Africa seem invariably to have employed the Julian
year, beginning however with September; the pagans of ancient Egypt
probably never adopted it. The dates of these monuments affording
us only the year of the Indiction, we cannot judge precisely of their
antiquity : in the fifth inscription there seems to be something like the
number of the Indiction itself, as if it were the tenth year of the four¬
teenth Indiction : but this inscription is extremely ill engraved, and it
is scarcely probable that the antiquity can be so great as this date
would make it. At the same time we have little reason to doubt the
existence of Christianity in Nubia, from the time of Queen Candace,
whose eunuch was baptized by Philip, until that of Sultan Selim, or
even still later, notwithstanding the erroneous assertion of Bruce, that
there had been no Christians in Nubia for 500 years before the visit of
Brevedent and Poncet in 1700. In the tenth century we find a George
king of Nubia mentioned in the history of the Patriarchs of Alex¬
andria; in the eleventh, a Solomon, who resigned his crown in
favour of his nephew, and became a monk, is noticed in the history
of the Arabians. According to Hartmann’s Edrisi, Abulfeda in the
14th century, and Bakui in the 15th, speak of the Nubians as being
still Christians: and Vansleb, who was at Cairo in 1673, tells us that
the churches in Nubia were still entire, but shut up for want of pastors ;
and this account is rendered perfectly credible by the late observations
of Captain Light. The metropolis of Nubia is said to have been

160

Fragment of a Greek MS. on Papyrus, &;c.

formerly Nuabah, which some consider as synonymous with Meroe :
but Dungola was certainly a part of it, and appears to have been
latterly the residence of its kings, as well as of a patriarch whom
d’Herbelot mentions, in the seventeenth century, as still appointed by
the patriarch of Alexandria.

There can therefore be no question that the “ Christian king John"
mentioned in the Thebaic manuscripts, brought by Mr. Legh from
the island Elephantine, and now deposited in the British Museum,
must have been a king of Nubia, and probably a predecessor of the
Mek of Dungola : and there is no reason for supposing that the Greek
emperors had ever any authority in Nubia, much less that they could
have been acknowledged there when Egypt was under the dominion
of the Arabians. Syene was always considered as the limit of Egypt
and Nubia; and Kyrshe, to which Mr. Legh’s manuscripts relate, is
two or three days journey further south.

VIII.

It is only by the assistance of these epitaphs that we can form
any satisfactory conjecture respecting the original state of the
Thebaic inscription on a marble slab, which was found in the same
neighbourhood, but broken and greatly defaced. It begins with the
sign of the cross and the word GOD : near the middle we observe the
syllable RAH and afterwards KOB ; and upon trial we find that the
intermediate traces of characters agree with IN THE BOSOM OF
ABRAHAM AND ISAAC AND JACOB, IN A PLACE OF
GLORY. This singular association of the three patriarchs is derived
from the Thebaic version of St. Luke, ch. xvi. where we have the
parable of the rich man, “ whose name was Nineve,” and the beggar
Lazarus, carried by the angels “ into the bosom of Abraham and Isaac
and Jacob.” The end seems to have been something like this : “ The
Saviour shall say these words OF COMFORT : COME thou good
AND FAITHFUL servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord. . . In
the . . . year of the Martyrs of DIOCLETIAN.”

London, 8th June, 1818.

Platt IX.

VOL. XIX./>. lO'o.

FRAGMENT ®E PAPYRUS .

ALPHABETS .

Vnjcf^ 6X1 v-ft \/ ^ v yyVJh fo p ^ ^ -p^

V I n c 1c^

' “T^V 71 [ rou-nc^A* OQ-tc v Mdi7j>(}F

u/<rp ArVj(

hNr* ^^riNcv/ ch<u\in ^roV npt^oA'H^-vtO wujaI At
" ) /

• JuTjof ^

l< v^rp >\\ r h iV <2 .yfU^i'A \'\

>vv\ 1 tx (V^

fW '

AVTW.V TO N >|UJUr

oiy* a° 7" UM1 ^

UUO J"sl

Original

ScJiow

Jnttrl .

\ X

A- t'

<x X

r r

r’

S’

V4 Y^ f

t* rV'V

z 3

(Mi

& d-

\ 1

1 t

U H

Jet

VI \T

0 c c • a

0 «-> •

n *1

*n r>

^ 0 r\ 7s

c *5 ^

TT" -T

v v

Y *7 V

(p tfy

> /

u) OJ~

SEPFLCHRAL INSCRIPTIONS

Th roy^xA Ecnc
3_o n T 6 6 "Z. N
tac n fcAi n^Kp
o YC EXPHC A + O
H /v\At<^ FI 4
eoc a rfTA ci Toy
$ 1 0 Y To YTO (r^/fv
N n^xu) n 1 £- i 1
l OCCAnI a
n Ay c HTHN^S
Xh n /^XTMC(=H
0/<Tt /v /A icon
A/w K N -4-

III

1 € N-0 M K^~TA
X HT H o maKap ;
oc A/3 pA A M C-tC

\e-&e h ryp,i th fA

A6li/ <P o-e< an/\

n A YCO|V -p j^ ^ yj,
VN ToYAoyXo.'
e ^ Koxntc a8
^ ICAK v<

A K uj fi A (V'

Rd4yNHV u

I V, N /VI V

rsi 0 A K A TA V

TE HM Kk K&.p 1 A

0ICAY PIXeTeAfoJ
m a6yp \ m
^ :t> 0c A-N^n M

CON THN-^yXH N
Avthc F N KoM|
nic

‘ic 7 ^

K u> ft re N 1 to

Amhn

J.Jia.nrt/hilf'.

Pltitt X

VOL. XlX.p.itio.

' /\ K /v? 'v
_ rin I 0 M AKA

Pi O C CAM Cw N
f |-F\FOfrM nA

£l N M H l</\EN
Te-K A I Ac / C7
00c

Con 4-Avtoya

ovcoy c a/m c at
Cn ic o%n ii

PA >Cv /M

| |</ | K\ I < CiJ h
M r-A H ^

SBTPFIiCHlRAI. DTSCEIPTIONS

l'i tX I jb lo"f

P*CA>TQ O V'A <X
KXf5 l OC
ETejKico^H M v
4> X m N co -0- r

V nTa t a* Ke i*fyx?

ANAn ^vco n tH in/

S' V X M To Y AOVXo

Coy f n To) (^cotin
Cv t NTO) AN^yxeY
A/^o*n

YII

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yn epnNhMHc
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THCM Ak;Al?lAC
N I K eAt TE
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^ 'T^tV-'OY K1 M ; I I ( c /\ y M^-pn'T
£ICN CAM m, , , 2 ,

^1(V^ ,7 *> V - <K • • Ova ^ aamte

y v ,x n u i *- • • . i

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<0 I Ejv'c mV ki

,1 I,, . t

°V/\

s/ V

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■'‘c V rl ^ / : ■

o yud:v" , • -

ic^Z i. ,, _ ‘ ’ r ' 1 A 1 7u

1 ' ^ *■ u -yc" O i rn jj.n

■ j „ , ;,0!''ivouNtqN«

- t 1 vl^lT T CUa *

''Tt:CATXF?N^-

1.4, real . . . 2rCl Kovrs/c^ 1 V CjlJ * ' " ^ V 0 2- I A

P&2,£ ix U. iv I c <5 £. K jwjs i ^ [<£ co^L

2n orwi. tooY

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J.3asir( j'at/p

161

XXI. An Account of a Chain of Ancient Fortresses ,
through the South Western part of Gloucestershire.

John Lloyd Baker, Esq. F.S.A. Communicated
liam Bray, Esq. Treasurer.

Read 4th and 11th June, 1818.

Along the southern part of the vale of the Severn, beginning at the
Somersetshire Avon, and extending upwards of forty miles in a north
easterly direction, may be traced a chain of Ancient Fortresses, so
situated as to be capable of communicating with each other by signal :
but before a description of them is attempted, it will be satisfactory to
give a slight one of the surrounding country, and also an extract from
Taylor’s Map of Gloucestershire, loosely taken on a reduced scale,
[PI. XI.] in which is inserted the names of a few large and well known
towns, in order to give the bearings, and also those of several other
places of less notoriety, but which will afford entertainment to those
who are fond of antiquities of various sorts.

At the point where the Avon falls into the Severn the latter river is
about three miles broad. On the north western side it runs very near
the hills of the forest of Dean. To the south eastward there is (with
the exception of a few small hills) an extent of a flat alluvial land of
the breadth of from one and a half to three miles more or less. Then
a steep ascent, from the top of which the country is generally, but not
uninterruptedly level, till it reaches the Cotswold Hills, at a distance
of from five to ten miles. Higher up the river the tide rises with
unusual rapidity, the sand banks which are numerous, are often shifting
their situations, and the course of the river is constantly changing.
A few small detached hills stand near it, and about seven or eight miles
up it is the Trajectus, near to what is now called the Old Passage, but

extending
By Tho.
by Wil-

VOL. XIX.

162

Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses

many are of opinion (and with very great reason) that its exact scite
was at Oldbury. The Cotswold Hills form the south eastern boundary
of the vale, and their brow extends from near Bath, in a north easterly
direction, far beyond the limits now under our consideration.

1. The first entrenchment occupies the whole of the eminence on
Clifton Down near Bristol, immediately over St. Vincent’s rock, the
steepness of which is a sufficient defence to it on one side. Its dimen¬
sions are from east to west about an hundred yards, and from north to
south about one hundred and seventy. It seems to have consisted of
three banks and ditches, and to have had an entrance towards the east
end of the south side. In the upper bank there is occasionally the
appearance of ill-burnt lime, so that pretty certainly it has at some time
been surrounded by a wall. There is no appearance of bricks. The
whole is nearly in the form of a parallelogram, but the natural shape
of the ground would hardly allow it to be otherwise. The ditches
have been dug with great labour in the limestone rock. It can be
seen from Kings Weston Hill, Blaize Castle, Knoll, and Old Sodbury,
and most likely from Horton.

2. Kings Weston Hill is the next. It measures about an hundred
yards from south east to north west, and about sixty-four from south
west to north east. It is of no regular figure, but conforms to the
natural shape of the ground. It consists of two banks and ditches,
on the outside of which is another bank and ditch, most probably
formed at a different time. From it may be seen Clifton Down,
Elberton, Oldbury, Old Sodbury, and perhaps Horton and Dyrham.

3. Very near this on a high conical hill is Blaize Castle. On the
south side, this hill is impregnable from its steepness, but on the
others it has been defended by at least two banks and ditches, which
are now overgrown with wood, and not easy to be traced. An old
stoned road called the Foss-way is observable up the north-east side,
at the top of which is an entrance, and there is another entrance to¬
wards Kings Weston Hill. Its shape is irregular, and coincides with
that of the ground. From it may be seen Clifton Down, Kings

in the South-Western pari of Gloucestershire . 163

Weston Hill, Knoll, Oldbury, Old Sodbury, Westridge, and Drake-
stone ; and perhaps Oldbury and Horton.

4. The next is at Knoll Park near Aldmondsbury. It occupies a
small but steep eminence on the edge of the level mentioned in the
general description of the vale as being next above the alluvial ground.
It is a most beautiful and commanding situation, having an uninter¬
rupted view of the shore of the Severn, from Aust Cliff to the Avon,
and far down the coast of Somersetshire, together with a perfect
command of the Severn itself, its opposite shore to a great extent,
and the whole level of the alluvial ground from the Avon nearly to
Oldbury and Elberton. A large house, formerly the residence of the
Chester family, but now of Mr. Worrall, is built in its area. It con¬
forms to the shape of the ground, and seems to have had its entrance
at the north east end, but this is not perfect. It may be seen from
Clifton Down, Kings Weston Hill, Elberton, Old Sodbury, Westridge,
Drakestone, and most likely from Blaize Castle, Dyrham, and Horton.

5. Elberton is the next. It stands on a projecting point of the
same level as that on which Knoll stands. It is nearly but not quite
an obtuse angled parallelogram of about one hundred yards, and con¬
sists of two banks, with a ditch between them. Its situation is com¬
manding to a considerable extent, but there are many others near it
which seem more advantageous, so that it is not easy to guess why
this was chosen. It may be seen perhaps from Kings Weston Hill and
Blaize Castle, certainly from Knoll, Westridge, and Drakestone.

6. The next is at Oldbury. The church covers the top of a very
small but steep and entrenched eminence, about a quarter of a mile
from the Severn, and very near it is Oldbury Pill,8 which, as was ob¬
served before, is supposed by many to be the exact scite of the Tra-
jectus. From Aust Cliff, which is high and bold, to about half a mile
above Oldbury Pill, the shore is flat and alluvial, therefore most pro¬
bably this fortress was formerly much nearer to the Severn than the

1 Pill is a small creek capable of holding vessels to load and unload. It is perhaps a
word peculiar to the Severn.

Y 2

164

Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses

present course of that river. Above the Old Passage the river is very
shallow and may almost be forded, so that it was placed with very
great judgment. Kings Weston Hill, the Abby, Westridge, Drake-
stone, and perhaps Old Sodbury, Horton, Dyrham, and Blaize Castle,
may be seen from it.

7. The next is in a piece of ground called the Abby, as Sir Robert
Atkyns thinks from an old house near it which formerly belonged to
an Abby.a It is about a mile from Alveston, and near the eleven mile
stone in the road from Bristol to Gloucester. Its dimensions are about
two hundred and forty yards from east to west, and about three hun¬
dred and forty from north to south. It is much mutilated by the
plough and other things. It may be seen from Oldbury, Old Sodbury,
and Westridge. Most probably also from Dyrham, Horton, and
Drakestone.

8. The next is called Bloody Acre, and is in Lord Ducie’s park at
Tortworth. It was planted several years ago, and the trees are so high
and thick that it is difficult to ascertain its size, its shape, or the points
from which it can be seen. It appears to be somewhat of an oblong
square form, with a precipice on the south and east sides, which renders
very little or no entrenchment necessary. At the west end of the
north side are two banks and ditches. On the west side there are
three, the outward one being further from the middle one than the
middle one from the inward one. No entrance can be traced with
certainty, but there are many gaps, through any of which there may
have been one or more. Old Sodbury, Horton, Westridge, and Drake-
stone, may most probably be seen from it, but the plantation makes it
very difficult, if not impossible, to speak with certainty.

9. Nearly in a line from Blaize Castle to Old Sodbury is another on
the Bury Hill, about a mile from Winterbourne. It consists of two
banks with a ditch between them. It is about two hundred yards
long, and about one hundred broad. Its shape is nearly a parallelo¬
gram with the corners very much rounded off. Its entrance is on the

a See Atkyns’s Gloucestershire.

165

in the South-Western part of Gloucestershire.

south side. Westridge and Drakestone may be seen from it, and
perhaps some others. We now ascend the Cotswold Hills.

On a point of Lansdown above North Stoke, and on another hill
about half a mile beyond the monument, both on the left of the old
road from Bath to Gloucester, are the remains of some trenches, but
they were probably thrown up at a very different time from the others,
and seem to have no connection whatever with them.

10. The first, therefore, is near Dyrham, and consists of a very
deep and perfect ditch, and of an high steep bank, which cross a
point of the hill, the brow of which is too steep to need any defence.
Mr. Camden and Sir Robert Atkyns seem to be of opinion that this
work was used when Ceaulin, King of the West Saxons, obtained his
decisive victory over the Britons, but they give no hint as to the
period of its formation. Old Sodbury, Westridge, Drakestone, and
perhaps most of those in the vale can be seen from it.

11. Old Sodbury is the next. Mr. King in his Munimenta Antiqua
has given so full a description of it, and it is otherwise so well known,
and so generally allowed to be a Roman work, that it scarcely needs
a description. Suffice it then to say, that it is nearly of an oblong
square form, about three hundred yards long, and about two hundred
yards broad, with an entrance on the east and another on the west sides,
one of which is so defended by the steepness of the hill, that little or
no entrenchment is necessary. It stands about a quarter of a mile
from the road from Bath or Bristol to Oxford, and about half a mile
from an inn called Cross Hands, the sign of which purports to be taken
from the reverse of a Roman medal which was dug up there, though
the hands are now ornamented with a pair of old-fashioned regimental
cuffs, a variety of rings, &c. &c. It may be seen from Clifton Down,
Kings Weston Hill, Blaize Castle, Knoll, the Abby, Bloody Acre,
Drakestone, and possibly from Oldbury.

12. The next is at Horton about a mile northward of the last. It
consists of a single high bank and ditch on the north and east sides.
On the south and west sides the brow of the hill is so steep that there

165

Account of a Cham of ancient Fortresses.

is no necessity for their being so high. It is an irregular four sided
figure, at first sight appearing to be a parallelogram, but its west side
is about two hundred yards long, its east side about one hundred and
forty, its north side about one hundred and ten, and its south side
about one hundred and twenty. There seems to have been an en¬
trance from the vale in the north side. In the bank are evident marks
of fire and lime. It can most likely be seen from all the entrench¬
ments that can be seen from Old Sodbury.

13. The next is situated on a projection of the Cotswold Hills near
Wotton-under-edge, far in a large wood called Westridge, through
which there is no road excepting for the passage of waggons when
the wood is cut ; and there is nothing to induce any one but a sports¬
man or a woodcutter to go near it ; in consequence of which, very
few even of those who live within a short distance of it, are aware of
its existence. There are two banks and ditches which run straight
across this projection of the hill, near each end of which there seems
to have been an entrance. The remainder of the work conforms to
the shape of the ground, but the wood which grows on it is so thick
that it is difficult to gain a correct idea of its shape. It measures
about seven or eight hundred yards round the trench, and extends
from one end of the straight trench round the point of the hill to the
other. It may be seen from Knoll, Elberton, Oldbury, the Abby, and
probably from Bloody Acre.

14. There are several pretty extensive vallies or coombes hereabouts
which extend more or less into the hill, of course leaving projections
of the hill between them. A little beyond Westridge is a considerable
projection called Stinchcombe Hill, which ends in a point not more
than ten yards wide, called Drakestone. Across Drakestone there are
three nearly perfect banks and ditches, but none round it. This is
the very highest point of Stinchcombe Hill, and commands one of the
most extensive prospects in England. When considered singly it is
not easy to guess what could have been the use of a work apparently
so insignificant, but it most probably was a sort of Beacon, for from

in the South-Western part of Gloucestershire.

167

Westridge, Uley Bury, which is the next fortress, cannot be seen, but
Drakestone can be seen from both, as well as from Knoll, Elberton,
Oldbury, the Abby, Old Sodbury, Bredon Hill, and perhaps from
Bloody Acre and Horton.

15. Uley Bury, one of the largest and certainly the most remark¬
able one of the whole, comes next. It is on a large projection of the
hill, and contains about thirty-two acres of land within the trenches.
A reference to the annexed plana [PI. XII.] will here be necessary. At
the principal entrance the hill is very narrow, and very steep on both
sides, and the road to Frocester, Stroud, &c. ascends from it, so that
the area can be overlooked from West Hill, the Freeze, &c. &c. a cir¬
cumstance of much less importance before the introduction of gun¬
powder than it would be now. At the principal entrance then it is
obvious that it would be very easily defended. Two pretty large
banks and ditches now remain, which command the approach as well
as the entrance itself, and a short turn in the upper bank commands
it from within very completely. It cannot be doubted that the trenches
here were much stronger than they now are, for a road has been made
across one end of them which has mutilated them a good deal.

The area D is ploughed and surrounded by a wall. Its level is about
live feet higher than that of the large ditch within the upper bank.
At the point FF there was another entrance leading towards a smaller
projection of the hill K, the level of which is still lower than that of
the area D. Down each side of this projection runs a hollow way.
separating at the top, and uniting again about half way down the hill.
Within the memory of some people now alive, the road from Frocester
to Uley went from the Freeze by the principal entrance along the
lower ditch BB, and down the hill as marked in the plan, but a new
road separating from this at N, and joining it again as in the plan, is
now in use. In consequence of the old road having gone for ages

a For the greater part of this plan I am indebted to Mr. Samuel Lysons, who kindly allowed
me to take it from his account of the Roman remains that have been discovered at Wood-
chester.

168

Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses

down this hollow way, it is large and deep, whereas that on the other
side, which must be now considered, is almost filled up at the top.
A little way down the hill an enclosure L crosses it, and it is totally
lost, but it is found again on the other side of the enclosure. Now
this field is at present laid down in grass, but no doubt it was formerly
ploughed, and in it are some meers,a which clearly prove that the
shape of the whole surface of the ground has been changed, and of
course that any hollow way which might have been there was filled
up, and this is a satisfactory reason why no vestige of it is to be
found in the enclosure.

At HH is another entrance leading towards another projection of
the hill I, similar in size and shape to the last, having a similar hollow
way down each side of it, the one being a road and the other nearly
filled up at the top, but easily traced to an inclosure L, in which there
are meers, and through which it is lost, but found again at the end of
the field, where it joins the other, in a manner exactly similar to that
which has just been described. From this junction a hollow way
continues across the valley, and up the hill on the opposite side
towards Kingscote, Tetbury, &c.

There is little doubt that these hollow ways were all connected with
the entrenchment, and were covered ways, similar to those on Salis¬
bury Plain. Those down the projection K cannot have been made in
after times, because no one standing at the entrance FF, and wishing
to form a new road to the village of Uley would take the direction of
the right hand hollow way, and turn it round to the left to the place
where the two unite, and had it gone in any other direction it would
have been found, because beyond the enclosure L there are no meers

1 This word is used for want of a better. It means the practice \.

common in hilly countries, of making a portion of the hill running V' --

along the side of it, level for the purposes of cultivation, leaving \j

it nearly perpendicular for a few feet, and beginning another level
at the bottom. The dotted line representing the original slope.

in the South-Western part of Gloucestershire.

169

nol* any appearance of the shape of the ground having been materially
changed. Neither is it probable that the left hand hollow way was
made in after times for this purpose, because it is so circuitous, but
being there it is very likely that it should be used. It can be seen
from Drakestone, Broadridge Green, Painswick Beacon, Crick ley Hill,
and perhaps from Bredon Hill.

16. The next entrenchment like the others is on a projection of the
hill called Broadridge Green, just above the village of Haresfield. It
is about nine hundred yards long; its sides are nearly parallel, but not
straight. It conforms to the shape of the ground, and at the east end
there seems to have been an entrance. About three hundred yards
from the west end, a strong bank, nearly twice as large as any of the
others, and apparently thrown up at a different time, crosses the area,
and joins the two banks which form the sides of the work, cutting off
a portion of it, and forming as it were a smaller and entire entrench¬
ment. A little to the westward of this are two entrances opposite
to each other, and if this part be considered separately it will be found
to be nearly a parallelogram, and about one hundred and seventy yards
from entrance to entrance. At the south-west corner there seems to
have been a sort of beacon. There are two banks and ditches at the
west end where the hill is not very steep, but every where else only one.
It can be seen from Uley Bury, Painswick Beacon, and Bredon Hill.

17. Painswick Beacon is the next, and is said to be on nearly the
highest point of the Cotswold Hills. It is nearly, but not quite, a
parallelogram, one end being shorter than the other. It consists of
three banks and ditches on the south, east, and west sides; on the north
side the steepness of the hill is a sufficient defence. It is very much
mutilated by stone digging. There may have been an entrance on the
south side near the south-east angle. It may be seen from Uley Bury,
Broadridge Green, Church Down, High Brotheridge, Bredon Hill,
and perhaps from Cleeve Hill and Nottingham Hills.

18. Church Down is the next. It is on a small but steep hill in the
vale. Its shape is very irregular, conforming entirely to that of the

VOL. xix.

170

Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses

ground. It is rendered very imperfect by stone digging, and little or
nothing satisfactory can be said of it. It can be seen from Pains-
wick Beacon, High Brotheridge, the hillock behind the Roman villa
at Whitcombe, Cleeve Hill, Nottingham Hill, and Bredon Hill.

19. High Brotheridge is on the Cotswold Hills. On the south side,
a bank and ditch are clearly visible, but on the north side a vast
quantity of stone has been dug, and several land slips have occurred,
which make it impossible to trace them. There may have been a
smaller one within it, but this also cannot be traced with certainty.
It can be seen from Painswick Beacon, Church Down, Whitcombe,
Crickley Hill, and Leckhampton Hill.

20. Just below this entrenchment has lately been discovered at
Whitcombe a very interesting Roman villa on Sir William Hicks’s
property, which he is opening at much expense, and of which a descrip¬
tion will be published by a very able Member of the Society of Anti-
quaries.a Suffice it then to say, that within a few yards of it is a high
ridge, which terminates in an elevated point or hillock, which without
being opened cannot safely be asserted to be artificial, though it most
probably is so. The Roman road from Gloucester to Cirencester as¬
cends the Cotswold Hills, and crosses the line at or near Birdlip,
more than a mile from this spot, and on the top of the hill a few barrows
are thinly scattered about. From this hillock at Whitcombe may be
seen Church Down, High Brotheridge, Crickley Hill, Cleeve Hill,
Nottingham Hill, and Bredon Hill.

21. Crickley Hill is the next. Like Drakestone it crosses a projec¬
tion of the hill, which is about two hundred and fifty yards wide. It
consists of two banks and ditches, the inward one much smaller than
the other, and perhaps thrown up at a different time. The outward
one has a perfect entrance, defended by an advanced bank and ditch,
and is about an hundred and twenty yards from the inward bank. It
can be seen from Uley Bury, Painswick Beacon, High Brotheridge,
Whitcombe, Cleeve Hill, Nottingham Hill, and Bredon Hill.

a Samuel Lysons, Esq.

171

in the South-Western part of Gloucestershire.

22. On Leckhampton Hill a single bank and ditch form two sides
of a pretty large fortress. The brow of the hill from its steepness is
a sufficient defence every where else. In the bank, wherever it has
been opened, are evident marks of fire, but none of vitrification. It
can be seen from High Brotheridge, Church Down, Cleeve Hill, Not¬
tingham Hill, and Bredon Hill.

23. Cleeve Hill is the next and most puzzling of them all. Its
shape is almost an acute-angled parallelogram, with the two obtuse
angles very much rounded oft'. It is about an hundred and eighty
yards from one acute angle to the other, and about an hundred yards
from one obtuse angle to the other. It is on the brow of the hill,
which is steep enough to be a sufficient defence to it, and there seems
to have been an entrance from the vale. On the other side it is de¬
fended by two banks and ditches. There is another entrance towards
the western end. The outward bank is low, and the ditch not deep,
but between them the space is unusually large. The situation of this
fortress is very remarkable. In approaching it, the ground falls almost
every where towards the outer ditch, and at the distance of half a
bowshot from it, a person may see the area over the bank; while about
two hundred yards to the eastward there is a spot of high ground
which would be much more easily defended, and about half a mile still
to the eastward there is a yet more commanding situation. It is not
easy to say why one of these was not preferred as the scite of the
entrenchment. It may be seen from Church Down, Whitcombe,
Crickley Hill, and perhaps from Painswick Beacon.

24. Nottingham Hill is the next. It is on a projection of the hill
across which, as at Westridge, two banks and ditches are made. What
defence there was round the hill cannot easily be ascertained, as the
ground has been much disturbed ; but in a wood on the south side of
it, there appears to have been two very strong banks, which probably
extended round it. It is one of the largest of them, and may be seen
from Painswick Beacon, Church Down, Whitcombe, Crickley Hill,
and Bredon Hill.

z 2

172

Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses

25. Bredon Hill is not a part of the Cotswold Hills. It stands in
the vale by itself, and on it is an entrenchment of about an hundred
and seventy yards by an hundred and thirty. On two adjoining sides,
the brow of the hill is a sufficient defence. On the other two it is
defended by two banks and ditches, which are near fifty yards asunder,
and are not straight or quite regular : were they then thrown up at dif¬
ferent times ? The entrance is at one corner, Drakestone, Uley Bury,
Broadridge Green, Painswick Beacon, Church Down, Whitcombe,
Crickley Hill, and Nottingham Hill may be seen from it.

Such is the description of this very curious and well connected a

a The connection between them and the consequent ease and certainty with which an
alarm might be given in case of the appearance of an enemy, or any other communication
made by signal, appears to be a leading and most important point. In order to bring it under
one view I take leave to copy from the several descriptions as above given, the names of the
different entrenchments which can be seen from each 3 and here I must observe, that I dare
not hope I am quite accurate, because since I visited some of them I have heard of others
which I did not then know were in existence, and consequently I could not look for them,
and because when I was at Bury Hill, Dyrham, and Horton, the weather was very hazy.
Several of those in the vale cannot be ascertained from those on the hills, though a fire, a
smoke, or any other signal would be easily distinguished. The connection then (so far as I
know it) is as follows, but most likely it is more extensive.

1. From Clifton Down may be seen. Kings Weston, No. 2 3 Blaize Castle, No. 3; Knoll,
No. 4 5 and Old Sodbury, No. 11 3 and most likely Horton, No. 12 3 and Dyrham, No. 10.

2. From Kings Weston Hill may be seen Clifton Down, No. 1 3 Elberton, No. 53 Old¬
bury, No. 63 and Old Sodbury, No. 11 j and most likely Horton, No. 12 5 and Dyrham,
No. 10.

3. From Blaize Castle, Clifton Down, No. 1 3 Kings Weston Hill, No. 2 3 Knoll, No. 4 3
Oldbury, No. 6; Old Sodbury, No. 11 j Westridge, No. 13 3 and Drakestone, No. 14 3 and
perhaps from Oldbury, No. 6 5 and Horton, No. 12.

4. From Knoll, Clifton Down, No. I3 Kings Weston, No. 23 Elberton, No. 63 Old
Sodbury, No. 11 3 Westridge, No. 13 3 Drakestone, No. 14 3 and most likely from Horton,
No. 12 5 and Dyrham, No. 10.

5. From Elberton, Knoll, No. 43 Westridge, No. 13 3 Drakestone, No. 14 3 possibly Kings
Weston, No. 2 3 and Blaize Castle, No. 3.

6. From Oldbury, Kings Weston, No. 2 3 the Abby, No. 73 Westridge, No. 13 3 Drake¬
stone, No. 14 3 and perhaps Old Sodbury, No. 11 5 Horton, No. 12 3 Dyrham, No. 10 3 and
Blaize Castle, No. 3.

173

in the South-1 Vestern part of Gloucestershire.

chain of forts, and though loosely made it will be found sufficiently
accurate for the purpose for which it is intended. It now remains to
conjecture at what time and for what purpose they were formed, and

7. From the Abby, Oldbury, No. 6 ; Old Sodbury, No. 11 ; Westridge, No. 13; most pro- -
bably from Dyrham, No. 10, Horton, No. 12, and Drakestone, No. 14.

8. From Bloody Acre, Old Sodbury, No. 11 ; perhaps Horton, No. 12; Westridge, No. 13,
and Drakestone, No. 14.

9. From Bury Hill, Westridge, No. 13 ; and Drakestone, No. 14 ; and perhaps some of
the others.

10. From Dyrham, Old Sodbury, No. 11 ; Westridge, No. 13; Drakestone, No. 14; and
perhaps most of those in the vale.

11. From Old Sodbury, Clifton Down, No. 1 ; Kings Weston, No. 2 ; Blaize Castle, No. 3 ;
Knoll, No. 4 ; the Abby, No. 7 ; Bloody Acre, No. 3 , Drakestone, No. 14 ; and perhaps
even Oldbury, No. 6.

12. From Horton, most likely the same as the last.

13. From Westridge, Knoll, No 4; Elberton, No. 5 ; Oldbury, No. 6; the Abby, No. 7 ;
and most likely Bloody Acre, No. 8.

14. From Drakestone, Knoll, No. 4; Elberton, No. 5 ; Oldbury, No. 6 ; the Abby, No. 7 ;
Old Sodbury, No. 11 ; Westridge, No. 13 ; Uley Bury, No. 15 ; Bredon Hill, No. 25 ; most
likely Bloody Acre, No. 7, and Horton, No. 12.

15. From Uley Bury, Drakestone, No. 14; Broadridge Green, No. 16; Painswick Beacon,
No. 17 ; Crickley Hill, No. 21 ; and probably Bredon Hill, No. 25.

16. From Broadridge Green, Uley Bury, No. 15; Painswick Beacon, No. 17; and Bredon
Hill, No. 25.

17. From Painswick Beacon, Uley Bury, No. 15; Broadridge Green, No. 16; Church
Down, No. 18 ; HighBrotheridge, No. 19 ; Nottingham Hill, No. 24; Bredon Hill, No. 25 ;
and perhaps Cleeve Hill, No. 23.

18. From Church Down may be seen Painswick Beacon, No. 17; High Brotheridge,
No. 19 ; Whitcombe, No. 20 ; Cleeve Hill, No. 23 ; Nottingham Hill, No. 24 ; and Bredon
Hill, No. 25.

19. From High Brotheridge, Painswick Beacon, No. 17 ; Church Down, No. 18 ; Whit¬
combe, No. 20 ; Crickley Hill, No. 21 ; and Leckhampton Hill, No. 22.

20. From Whitcombe, Church Down, No. 18 ; High Brotheridge, No. 19 ; Crickley Hill,
No. 21 ; Cleeve Hill, No. 23 ; Nottingham Hill, No. 24 ; and Bredon Hill, No. 25.

21 . From Crickley Hill, Uley Bury, No. 1 5 ; Painswick Beacon, No. 17 ; High Brotheridge.
No. 19 ; Whitcombe, No. 20 ; Cleeve Hill, No. 23 ; Nottingham Hill, No. 24; and Bredon
Hill, No. 25.

22. From Leckhampton Hill, Church Down, No. 18 ; High Brotheridge, No. 19 ; Cleeve
Hill, No. 23 ; Nottingham Hill, No. 24 ; and Bredon Hill, No, 25.

174

Account of a Chain of ancient Fortresses

I much wish this was in abler hands. They seem all, with the excep¬
tion of one or two, to have been originally British, and I think there
can be little doubt that they were the frontier towns of the Dobuni.
It will be recollected that the Silures, who were only separated from
them by the Severn, were the most active, resolute, and persevering of
all the British nations, in opposition to the Romans, whilst the latter
were settling themselves in the country, and therefore it is fair to con¬
clude that they were troublesome neighbours, and that more than
common caution was necessary in order to be safe from them, which
may account for finding so many stations here.

But it has been observed that the entrenchment at Old Sodbury is
decidedly a Roman work. At TIley Bury and at Broadridge Green,
which seems to have been altered, Roman coins have been found, and
at Whitcombe as before mentioned are the remains of a Roman villa,
from its situation peculiarly adapted to the residence of a military man.
It cannot be doubted then that these fortresses were known to and
used by the Romans; and it appears probable that Ostorius, who it will
be recollected succeeded Plautius in the year 51, made the one at Old
Sodbury, and adopted some or all the others when he prepared, as
T acitus tells us, “ cinctos castris Antonam & Sabrinam fluvios cohibere.”
This passage has been fully considered and often commented upon.
Mr. Camden and Dr. Gale are of opinion that the rivers here alluded
to are the Severn, the Warwickshire Avon, and the Nen, which at that
time bounded the Roman province. Dr. Gale gives a list of stations,
along the latter of these, but seems unacquainted with the country
through which the two former pass. Now the Avon falls into the
Severn at Tewkesbury near Bredon Hill, and I cannot find that there

23. From Cleeve Hill, Church Down, No. 18} Whitcombe, No. 20} Crickley Hill,
No. 21 } and most probably Painswick Beacon, No. 17.

24. From Nottingham Hill, Painswick Beacon, No. 17 } Church Down, No. 18 } Whit¬
combe, No. 20 } Crickley Hill, No. 21 } and Bredon Hill, No. 25.

25. From Bredon Hill, Drakestone, No. 14 } Uley Bury, No. 15 } Broadridge Green,
No. 16 } Painswick Beacon, No. 17 } Church Down, No. 18} Whitcombe, No. 20} Crickley
Hill, No. 21 } Nottingham Hill, No. 24 } and Bredon Hill.

Platt XI

VOL. XJX./>. /; /.

JPJL tty'

of the

M JE JF IE X X W C X S .

The side or' the Sill .

. The lower Bank and Ditch now nearly filled up. **

The upper Bank and. Ditch, & or 10 yards higher up the hill than the last.
The Area of the- Camp three or four feet hiyher than the top of the upper hank
The principal* Entrance .

A smaller Entrance .

A Bank for the defence of the last .

The Hollow ways .

Roads now in use . /

Old Up ad not now in use .

Hew and Old- Roads ova' the same scite .

Another small Entrance .

Two projections of the Hill thz/'t}' or forty feet lower than d .

Two Fields formerly ploughed , hut now lad down and having me c/s in them
up to which, but not through which the Hollow ways mgv be traced .

The lower Vallum is here mutilated bg a Stone quarry
Here it is mutilated bg the new Road .

The Jhape of the Area if taken
f/'om Ml Zysonss Wbodchester ,
hut on a reduced /cole .

The Freeze thirty or forty feet
above the level of d .

E // t re n c A /a (' n t

FLEY BURY.

Road to
Dursley

Section

JJta-rtrr. Sculp .

rhiic x i i

VOL.XK.p.174. ■

impton

uMi/hed by (be Society of Jntieftieiries of J.onden , JanPif tbiy.

175

in the South-Western part of Gloucestershire.

are any entrenchments (with the exception of one or two very small
ones somewhat like that on Cleeve Hill) to the north-eastward of
Nottingham and Bredon Hills. So far then the opinions of Mr. Cam¬
den and Dr. Gale are supported by this chain of forts ; and if the
communication could be discovered to be kept along the Warwickshire
Avon it would be still more materially corroborated. At all events,

• whether this conjecture be correct or not, or in whatever point the
thing be viewed, so extensive and so well connected a series of an¬
cient entrenchments, cannot but be worth the attention and further
examination of those who are fond of antiquities.

176

XXII. Account of further Discoveries of the Remains of a Roman
Villa at Bivnor in Sussex. By Samuel Lysons, Esq.
V.P. F.R.S.

Read 4th February, 1818.

Since the early part of the year 1815, when I communicated to the
Society of Antiquaries an account of the remains of a Roman villa
discovered at Bignor in Sussex, further discoveries have been made, to
a considerable extent, as will appear by the annexed plan, (PI. XIII.)
in which the several rooms, contained in the plan published in the
eighteenth volume of the Archaeologia, are marked with figures from
No. 1 to No. 26, and from 28 to 44.

During the years 1816 and 1817, by tracing the foundations of
walls on the east and west sides of the great court, mentioned in the
former account, it was discovered that the crypto-porticus extended
all round that court. The western crypto-porticus (No. 46) was 8 feet
wide and 108 feet in length, including a small room at the north end
(No. 45) which had a Mosaic pavement, in the middle of which was a
rude representation of the head of Medusa, within three circular
borders, the innermost formed of ivy leaves, the next of a single
guilloclie very rudely executed, and the third consisting of a double
fret, and rude figures of fish and birds, rhombs, &c. In the spandrils
were figures of four human heads, very rudely executed. From the
coarse execution of the greater part of this pavement, the design of
which is good, it seems probable that it was formed at a late period,
after the design of a more ancient one, which had gone to decay.
This room communicated with the northern crypto-porticus by means
of steps, being about three feet below its level.

Several rooms, Nos, 27, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, and 57, besides the
crypto-porticus and passages, were discovered on the western side of

PL.xni.

VOL. XfX.p. ij6.

177

Account of further Discoveries at Bignor.

the great court, most of them extending into an arable field belonging
to the Rector of Bignor. No remains of pavements were discovered
in this division of the building, except those in the crypto-porticus
abovementioncd, and some fragments of the coarser kind in the rooms,
No. 28 and 29. Many large tesserae were found among the rubbish
in the passage No. 50.

By digging further to the eastward of the single wall mentioned in
the former account, that wall was ascertained to be part of an eastern
crypto-porticus, (No. 60, 61) which completed the inclosure of the
great court ; and the foundations of buildings were discovered in the
field called the Town-field, extending 181 feet eastward (No. 62 to 71).
Several of these buildings were of large dimensions, and they were
inclosed within a boundary wall of considerable thickness, not built
at right angles with the eastern side of the principal court, but in a
very irregular manner ; the following being the dimensions of the
several sides of this court, viz. the eastern side, 277 feet 4 inches ;
the west side, 385 feet 5 inches ; the north side, 286 feet ; and the
south side, 322 feet 8 inches. No Mosaic pavements, fragments of
painted plaster, or other Roman remains were discovered in this part
of the building. The walls of the building at the .south-east comer
of this court were from two feet eight inches to three feet thick, and
well built of hewn stone,

S. LYSONS.

2 A

VOL. XIX.

178

XXIII. Account of the Remains of a Roman Villa discovered in

the Ravish of Great Witcombe , in the County of Gloucester.
By Samuel Lysons, Esq. V.P. F.R.S.

Read 30th April, 1818, and 4th February, 1819.

In the month of February 1818, some labourers rooting up an old
ash-tree in a field called Sarendells, in the parish of Great Witcombe,
in the county of Gloucester, discovered a large hewn stone about six
feet in length ; on the removal of which, it appeared to have rested
upon two other large upright stones. Sir William Hicks, Bart, of
Witcombe Park, the proprietor of the ground, immediately gave
directions that the earth should be removed, in order to pursue the dis¬
covery, when it was ascertained that each of the two upright stones
was six feet two inches in height ; and that they formed a door-way
leading into a room 19 feet 1\ inches by 13 feet 7 inches, (No. 1 in the
annexed plan, PI. XIV.) the walls of which remained in a very perfect
state, to the height of from five feet four inches to six feet. When
first opened they were covered with a coat of stucco two inches thick,
painted in pannels of different colours. The greater part of this soon
fell off in consequence of the continual rains which immediately fol¬
lowed the discovery.

This room was paved with large stones, of the kind of red sand¬
stone found on the opposite side of the Severn, in the forest of Dean;
and nearly in the middle was a cistern 20^ by 22-l inches, and two
feet one inch in depth, formed by four of the same sort of stones
placed upright ; the bottom being of clay. On the east side of the
room were three projections, or buttresses, one foot six inches square,
carried to the top of the wall, and resting on a plinth, about four
inches above the level of the floor, adjoining which, just within the

Roman Villa at Great IVitcombe.

179

door-way, was a stone raised a little above the pavement, 16i inches
by 14 inches, (marked a in the plan) on the outside of which was a
border of brick tiles.

A passage six feet wide (No. 2) was also discovered, leading by a
descent of several steps to the room above described; the walls, which
remained nearly to the same height as those of the room, were plas¬
tered, and painted in pannels, formed by stripes of light blue and
orange colour, on a white ground ; having elegant ornaments of ivy
leaves, &c. between them. In this passage and the adjoining room
were found Roman coins of the lower empire, and many bones of
animals, among which were several skulls of bullocks and goats, with
fragments of stags’ horns ; and an iron axe similar in form to that
which frequently appears among the instruments of sacrifice in bas-
reliefs and on coins.

It did not appear that the room above described communicated
with any other, but the walls of the building were found to extend
further westward, and on the earth being removed, several rooms
were discovered (Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, and 10 in the annexed plan) which
exhibited a very complete set of Roman baths, and left no room to
doubt that these remains were part of a Roman villa, of considerable
extent.

No spot in this island could perhaps be pointed out, more likely to
have been fixed on, by one of the superior officers of the Roman
government in Britain, for the erection of such an edifice. The situa¬
tion is particularly striking, being on the upper part of a sloping
ground, near the foot of Cooper’s Hill, facing the south-east ; well
sheltered with fine beech woods, having a small stream of water
running at a small distance below it ; and commanding a very agree¬
able near view ; and a very extensive distant one, of the great vale of
the Severn, and the mountainous district beyond it, which in the
Roman times was the country of the Silures It lies at the distance
of about three quarters of a mile from the great Roman road leading
down Birdlip Hill, between the two Roman cities of Corinium (Ciren-

2 a 2

180

Account of the Remains of' a Roman Villa

cester) and Glevum (Gloucester) which was a colony of the Romans,
and one of their most important stations in the west of England,
being the frontier town, next to the country of the Silures, the last
retreat of the Britons. These remains are five miles distant from
Gloucester and eleven from Cirencester. About two miles and a
quarter from the camp on the summit of Painswick hill, and about
three from the camp upon Crickley hill.

Several circumstances tend to prove that the first room discovered
(No. 1 in the plan) had been appropriated to sacred uses; indeed it
would be difficult to imagine, for what other purpose it could have
been designed. The decorations of the walls sufficiently indicate
that it could not have been designated for any mean use ; the stone
just within the doorway, separated from the pavement by a border of
brick tiles, seems to have been the base of an altar, and the recesses
abovementioned were probably designed for the reception of statues,
as well as to strengthen the wall built against the high ground. The
piscina or cistern was a common appendage of the Roman temple or
other sacred edifice. The bones and horns found in this place, were
no doubt those of victims. This building seems to have been that
kind of chapel or place of worship which sometimes formed a part
of the Roman dwelling-house; and was denominated Sacrarium. On
the outside of this building, in the court No. 12, was found the figure
of a lyre cut in stone, 2 feet 3^ inches high, and part of another,
which seem to have been placed on this building.

The rooms, Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, and 10 in the plan, exhibit perhaps
the most complete example of the Roman baths, which has been dis¬
covered in this country ; and will serve to throw considerable light on
what has been preserved on that subject in the Roman writers. They
are not on so large a scale as the baths in the Roman villa at Bignor,
but of those little remains above the level of the floors, whilst in the
villa at Witcombe, several of the walls still exist to the height of from
4 feet to 5 feet 4 inches, and most of the doorways are preserved,
formed by single upright stones. These are rendered more interest-

discovered at Great Witcombe.

181

mg, from the circumstance of very few entire door-ways having been
discovered in the remains of Roman buildings in this country.

The room, No. 5, is 13 feet 6 inches by 12 feet 10 inches ; the walls,
which remained to the height of from 4 feet to 5 feet 4 inches, were
plastered and painted in pannels ; on three sides were funnels laid hori¬
zontally, at the height of about two feet from the floor, communicating
with others placed upright, for conveying heat from the hypocaust,
the fire-place of which wras an arch, 3 feet 4 inches wide, under the
wall of this room (at c,) in the court, No. 12. The pavement was of
Mosaic work, and enriched with a great variety of ornaments, consist¬
ing of nine octagonal compartments, five of which enclosed circles; the
whole being connected by a single guilloche, and formed into a square
by a double one. This square is bordered on three sides by a single
fret, and on the fourth by a double one. In the centre of the pave¬
ment is the figure of an urn with ivy leaves. The outlines of all the
ornaments and the frets are of tesserae formed of the hard argilla¬
ceous stone called blue lyas : the guilloches, &c. being red, a light
yellowish brown, and white, are composed of a white calcareous stone,
a brown clay stone and a fine sort of brick. This room seems to have
been the apodyterium or dressing-room, communicating with the hot
and the cold baths, by different doors.

The room, No. 6, is 19 feet 8 inches by 17 feet 4 inches, and has a
Mosaic pavement ornamented with figures of fish and sea monsters,
in blue on a white ground, enclosed within a border formed by a
double fret. This pavement has been much injured by the slipping
down of the ground on which it was laid, and some parts are separated
by cracks to the extent of several inches. On two sides are Baptisteria,
or cold baths, (No. 7) the one semicircular, 8 feet 6 inches in diameter,
floored with brick tiles, 16 inches by 11^ inches, and plastered on the
sides ; the other oblong, and 19 feet 8 inches by 7 feet 5 inches ; and
covered with a coat of stucco, eight inches thick at the bottom, and
two inches thick on the sides : both of these baths have been very

182

Account of the Remains of a Roman Villa

much injured ; and some parts are separated from others by the
slipping down of the ground.

The next room, No. 8, was most probably the tepidarium, which
appears to have been always placed in the Roman baths between the
frigidarium and the hot baths, consisting of the sudatories, and
the calida piscina , or hot water bath ; these unquestionably occupied
the spaces marked 9, 10, and 11 in the plan. Under No. 8 was a
hypocaust, several of the piers of which remained, formed of brick
tiles, 8f inches square ; the prafurnium was at b in the court, No. 12.
The sudatory. No. 10, is 8 feet 10^ inches by 6 feet 3^ inches, and
has a Mosaic pavement, ornamented with squares, circles and rhombs :
the doorway between this and the anti-room, No. 9, is only one foot
1 1 inches wide ; on one side of the room is what seems to be the
remains of a seat, about two feet high, formed of brick tiles ; a hot
bath, 9 feet inches by 2 feet 10 inches, covered with a coat of
stucco, and painted red, adjoins the sudatory ; and communicates
with it by an opening, 5 feet 7 inches wide, with steps. Round the
hot bath and sudatory are funnels in the walls, laid close to the floors;
and communicating with the hypocaust beneath, the praefurnium of
which has not yet been discovered.

The drought of the last summer having occasioned the traces of an
extensive range of buildings, to the north-east of the baths, and con
nected with them, to be plainly distinguished on the grass ; consider¬
able openings were made in the course of the ensuing autumn : and
the parts of the building shewn in the annexed plan, from No. 13 to
No. 31, were ascertained.

The room, No. 15, is an irregular octagon, whose greatest diameter
is 26 feet inches, and its smallest 25 feet 6 inches ; it had a ehec-
quered pavement, of which a small fragment remains, formed of
squares of five inches, and some triangles of a white calcareous stone
and blue lyas. The cross walls between No. 19 and No. 22, and those
between Nos. 23 and 25, appear to have been originally subterraneous,

Flat* XIV .

voLjnx.p. ifo.

J. fla/inc% fin Ip.

r/a/z off//? lie///d///s of a Rom<t/( !7//a, d/sa/vo/rd /// /d/a ///

~H7/ro////)z /// O/oifaw'hzRtf/Y

S. Lif*ons drZ .

discovered at Great JVitcombe.

183

the spaces between them being filled with clay. The room, No. 27,
is 22 feet 4 inches by 19 feet 8 inches. It is paved with large rough
stones, among which are two querns or hand-mills. The wall at the
end of the room, where it joins No. 24, remains to the height of seven
feet, with two large buttresses of excellent masonry, evidently built
for the purpose of strengthening the building against the hill. Near
to one of these was found the base and part of the shaft of a smal l
column with the same mouldings as those which have been discovered
in the ruins of other Roman buildings in this country. Several frag¬
ments of columns have been found in other parts of the building, but
none of them in their original positions : fragments of cornices of white
marble were also found in the remains of the baths.

The room, No. 26, communicating with the court, No. 28, appears
to have been subterraneous. The doorway of the passage, No. 18, at (d)
being 6 feet 8 inches above the level of No. 26. In the wall between
No. 28 and 30 are several large upright stones, some of them four feet
high, resting on plinths. Several large pieces of pit-coal, with coal
ashes, were found in this part of the building. The space between the
baths and No. 19 and 23 has not yet been opened, except for a few
yards round No. 32, which appears to have been a small cold bath.
Much of this building yet remains to be explored ; it appears to have
been very extensive, and I have great pleasure in announcing to
this Society, that the proprietor of these interesting remains, is deter¬
mined to have the whole of the walls laid open.

Many Roman coins of the lower empire, from the time of Constan¬
tine the Great to that of Valentinian and Valens, have been found in
every part of the building; and a great variety of utensils, &c. the
most remarkable of which, are a small statera or steelyard with its
weight, an ivory comb, a stone mortar six inches in diameter ; and a
ploughshare of iron weighing seven pounds and a half, which has
been presented by Sir Wm. Hicks to the British Museum. Many
fibulce , buckles, pins, and various other relicks in copper and iron,
have also been found, and a British hatchet of flint, five inches and a
half in length, and two and a half in width.

S. LYSONS.

184

XXIV. Some Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry. By Mr.
Charles Stothard, in a Letter addressed to Samuel
Lysons, Esq. V P. F.B.S.

Read 25th February, 1819.

DEAR SIR,

On finishing and delivering to the Society of Antiquaries the Draw¬
ings which complete the series from the Bayeux Tapestry, I think it
necessary to address you on the subject, for the purpose of stating
what licences I may have thought proper to take in the discharge of
my commission, and at the same time to point out such circumstances
as have presented themselves to my notice during the minute inves¬
tigation in which I have been necessarily engaged. I shall beg leave
to offer with the latter such comments as I have made, hoping if I
have produced nothing that will lead to just conclusions on the age
of the Tapestry, I shall at least have furnished some useful materials
for others. I believe in a former paper I observed that the work in
some parts of the Tapestry was destroyed, but more particularly
where the subject draws towards a conclusion. The traces of the de¬
sign only existing by means of the holes where the needle had passed.
On attentively examining the traces thus left, I found that in many
places minute particles of the different coloured threads were still
retained ; a circumstance which suggested to me the possibility of
making extensive restorations. I accordingly commenced on a small
portion, and found it attended with so much practicability as well as
certainty , that I believed I should be fully justified in attempting to
restore the whole ; more especially when I reflected that in the
course of a few years, the means of accomplishing it would no longer
exist. I have succeeded in restoring nearly all of what was defaced.

185

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

Such parts as I have left as traced by the needle, either afforded no
vestiges of what the colours were, or such as were too vague in their
situation to be depended on. On a comparison with the print in
Montfaucon s work (if that be correct) it appears that this part of
the Tapestry has suffered much injury even since his time. The
restorations that I have made commence on the lower border with
the first of the archers. Of these figures I found scarcely one whose
colours of any kind remained perfect. In the upper border and his¬
torical part, the restorations begin a little after, with the Saxons,
under the word “ ceciderunt.” From the circumstance of the border
being worked down the side at the commencement of the Tapestry,
it is evident that no part of the subject is wanting; but the work in
many places is defaced, and these parts have been restored in the
same manner as at the end ; but the last horsemen attendant on
Harold in his route to Bosham have been partly torn away so as to
divide them. The two fragments were ignorantly sewed together.
This in the drawing has been rectified, and shews the portion wanting.
In that part of the battle between William and Harold, where the
former is pulling off his helmet, to shewr himself to his soldiers, under
the words “ Hie est Dux Wilehn ,” there is on his left hand a figure
with outstretched arms, bearing a standard; above which a part of the
Tapestry has been torn away, and only the two last letters VS of an
inscription apparently remaining. On carefully examining the torn
and ragged edges, which had been doubled under and sewed down,

I discovered three other letters, the first of the inscription an E,
and T I, preceding V S, a space remaining in the middle but for four
letters, the number being confirmed by the alternations of green and
buff in the colours of the letters remaining. I therefore conjecture
that the letters as they now stand may be read Eustatius, and that the
person bearing the standard beneath is intended for Eustace Earl of
Boulogne, who I believe was a principal commander in the army of
William. By a similar examination of the end of the Tapestry, which
was a mass of rags, I was fortunate in discovering a figure on horse-
VOL. xix. 2 B

186 Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

back, with some objects in the lower border. These are additional
discoveries not to be found in Montfaucon’s print. The figure of the
horsemen certainly decides the question, that the pursuit of the flying
Saxons is not ended where the Tapestry so unfortunately breaks off.

Before I proceed to state my remarks, I must urge a point which
cannot sufficiently be insisted upon, that it was the invariable practice
with artists in every country, excepting Italy, during the middle ages,
whatever subject they took in hand, to represent it according to the
manners and customs of their own time. Thus we may see Alexander
the Great, like a good Catholic, interred with all the rites and cere¬
monies of the Romish Church. All the illuminated transcripts of
Froissart, although executed not more than fifty years after the ori¬
ginal work was finished, are less valuable on account of the illumina¬
tions they contain not being accordant with the text, but representing
the customs of the fifteenth century instead of the fourteenth. It is
not likely that, in an age far less refined, this practice should be de¬
parted from. The Tapestry, therefore, must be regarded as a true
picture of the time when it was executed.

In the commencement of the Tapestry it is necessary to observe,
that the Saxons appear with long mustachios extending on each side
the upper lip, which continues with some exceptions (the result perhaps
rather of neglect than intention) throughout the whole work. But in
no instance but one, I believe, is this distinction to be found on the side
of the Normans. This exception occurs in the face of one of the
cooks, preparing the dinner for the Norman army after their landing
in England. It may be also remarked in various places, that the beard
is another peculiarity common to the Saxons ; it may be seen in the
person of Edward the Confessor, and, several times represented
funongst the Saxon warriors. It is rarely to be observed among the
Normans, and is then chiefly confined to the lower orders. It does not
appear probable that the above noticed distinctions existed after the
Conquest among the Saxons.

On coming to that part of the Tapestry where Harold is prisoner in

187

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry .

the hands of Guy earl of Ponthieu, a most singular custom first pre¬
sents itself in the persons of Duke William, Guy, and their people :
not only are their upper lips shaven, but nearly the whole of their
heads, excepting a portion of hair left in front. It is from the striking
contrast which these figures form with the messenger who is crouching
before William, that it is evident he is a Saxon, and probably dis¬
patched from Harold.

It is a curious circumstance in favour of the great antiquity of the
Tapestry, that time has I believe handed down to us no other repre¬
sentation of this most singular fashion, and it appears to throw a new
light on a fact, which has perhaps been misunderstood : the report
made by Harold’s spies, that the Normans were an army of priests, is .
well known. I should conjecture, from what appears in the Tapestry,
that their resemblance to priests did not so much arise from the upper
lip being shaven, as from the circumstance of the complete tonsure of
the back part of the head.

The following passage seems to confirm this conjecture, and at the

same time to prove the truth of the Tapestry.

“ Un des Engles qui ot veus,

Tos les Normans res et tondus
Cuida que tot provoire feussent
Et que messes canter peussent.”

Le Roman du Ron, fol. 232.

How are we to reconcile these facts with a conjecture that the
Tapestry might have been executed in the time of Henry the First,
when we are well assured that during the reign of that king the hair
was worn so long, that it excited the anathemas of the church?
There are many examples of sculpture on the continent, which exhibit
the extravagant fashions of that time. The men are represented with
long hair, falling below their shoulders; the women with two locks,
plaited or bound with ribbands, and falling over each shoulder in front,
frequently reaching below their knees. The only examples I believe
of this kind, that can be cited in England, are the figures of Henry the

2 B 2

188

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

First and his queen on a portal of Rochester cathedral. It may be
asked at what period these fashions arose. From the violent censures
which teemed throughout England and France in reprobation of them
at the beginning of the twelfth century, it is not probable they had
been then long established with the people. — A passage in William of
Malmsbury indicates that these fashions sprung up with some others
during the reign of William Rufus. “Tunc fluxus crinium, tunc luxus
vestium, tunc usus calceorum cum Arcuatis aculeis inventus. Mollitie
corporis, certare cum foeminis, gressum frangere gestu soluto, et latere
nudo incedere, Adolescentium specimen erat.” a

The figures on horseback where Harold is seized on his landing in
the territory of Wido, bear on their shields various devices, but none
which may properly be termed heraldic. Neither here nor in any
other part of the Tapestry is a lion, fess, chevron, or other heraldic
figure to be found; they are almost entirely confined to dragons,
crosses, and spots. Nor do we find any particular or distinguished
person twice bearing the same device. The pennons attached to the
lances of the Normans are similarly ornamented, with this exception,
that they bear no animals.

It is not easy to fix the time when heraldic bearings assumed a more
decided character than in the Tapestry, but there appears to exist some
proof that heraldic bearings were used in the time of Henry the First.
John, a monk of Marmoustier in Touraine, who was living in the
time of Geoffrey Plantagenet, on that prince’s marriage with Matilda
the daughter of Henry the First, at Mans, describes him previous to
his being knighted as having put on him a hauberk and stockings
wrought with double mailles, golden spurs fastened to his feet, a shield
emblazoned with little golden lions hung about his neck, and a helmet
glittering with precious stones on his head. The only representation
of Geoffrey Plantagenet, I believe, known to exist, is upon a beauti¬
fully enamelled tablet of copper, which depicts him bearing an immense
shield emblazoned with golden lions on a field azure. The number of

* Edit. 1596, fol. 69, b.

189

Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry.

the lions is not certain, as but one half the shield is seen, yet it seems
probable there were six, 3, 2, and 1, as we find his bastard grandson,
William Longespee, on his tomb in Salisbury cathedral, bearing on his
shield in a field Azure six lions Or, or 3, 2, and 1 .

The beautiful memorial of Geoffrey Plantagenet here alluded to, (a
drawing of which is now exhibited) formerly hung in the church of
St. Julien at Mans, but disappeared during the revolution. It has,
however, been lately saved from the melting pot, to which the un¬
sparing hands of the revolutionists had consigned it, and is now
preserved in the public Museum of that town. Geoffrey Plantagenet
died in 1150, and there can be little doubt from the style in which it
is executed that this memorial is of that date. A similar enamelled
tablet representing Ulger Bishop of Angers, who died in 1 1 49, formerly
hung over his tomb in the church of St. Maurice at Angers, but was
destroyed during the revolution.

Under the words Ubi Harold et Wido parabolant, the figure holding
by the column on the left of Wido, from his antic action, and the
singularity of his costume, I imagine is intended to represent a fool or
jester, attendant on Guy Earl of Ponthieu.

There are only three female figures represented in the whole of the
Tapestry, iElfgiva, Editha the queen of Edward the Confessor, who
is weeping by the death bed of the king, and a female flying from a
house which is on fire. These females, by the manner in which their
hair is invariably concealed, bear a strong resemblance to the deline¬
ations of women to be found in our Saxon MSS.

The armour represented is entirely different in its form from all
other examples : instead of the hauberk being like a shirt, open at
the bottom, it is continued as breeches, reaching to the knees ; the
sleeves are short. Formed thus, it does not appear how it is to be put
on, but it seems probable from some contrivance of rings and straps,
which are represented on the breast, in many instances, that there was
an opening at the collar sufficiently large for the legs to enter previ¬
ously to the arms being put into the sleeves. There is an apparent
confirmation of this conjecture in that part were William is giving

190

Observations on the Bayern' Tapestry.

armour to Harold : the former is represented with his left hand putting:
the helmet on the head of the latter, and with his right hand appa¬
rently fastening a strap, which is drawn through the rings on the
breast of Harold. The armour of William is fastened in the same
manner. In general the legs are bound with bands of different colours,
but in some instances they appear covered with mail, and when this
is the case it is only found to be so on the legs of the most distin¬
guished characters, as William, Odo, Eustatius, &c.

It is remarkable that a principal weapon used in the Norman as well
as the Saxon army, resembles a lance in its length, but is thrown as a
javelin or dart. This is the only manner in which it is used by the
Saxon soldiers, and there are two instances of Saxons being armed
with three or four of these weapons. The Normans not only appear
to use them in this manner, but also as lances, and always so when the
pennon or small flag is attached. I believe examples of this sort of
weapon are very rarely if at all to be seen long after the Conquest.

The Saxons are invariably represented as fighting on foot, and when
not using missiles are generally armed with axes ; their shields are
many of them round, with a boss in the centre, as in the Saxon MSS.,
and in no instance do we find a Norman bearing a shield of this form.
These three last mentioned circumstances are, I think, strong argu¬
ments in favour of the opinion that the Tapestry is of the time of the
Conquest.

A single character in some parts of the Tapestry is so often re¬
peated, almost in the same place, and within so small a space, that the
subject becomes confused; there is an example of this in the deaths
of Lewine and Gyrth, the brothers of Harold ; and another instance,
better defined, in the death of Harold, who appears first fighting by
his standard-bearer, afterwards where he is struck by the arrow in his
eye, and lastly where he has fallen* and the soldier is represented
wounding him in the thigh.

The supposition that Taillefer is depicted throwing up his sword is
a mistake so evident, that the slightest observation of the Tapestry
must correct. The weapon in the air is clearly a mace : this may be

Obsemations on the Bayeux Tapestry. 1,91

proved by comparing it with the weapons in the hands of the three
last figures at the end of the Tapestry.

In the Tapestry there is no attempt at light and shade, or perspec¬
tive, the want of which is substituted by the use of different coloured
worsteds. We observe this in the off legs of the horses, which are
distinguished alone from the near legs by being of different colours.
The horses, the hair, and mustachios, as well as the eyes and features
of the characters, are depicted with all the various colours of green,
blue, red, &c. according to the taste or caprice of the artist. This
may be easily accounted for, when we consider how few colours com¬
posed their materials.

That whoever designed this historical record was intimately ac¬
quainted with what was passing on the Norman side, is evidently
proved by that minute attention to familiar and local circumstances
evinced in introducing, solely in the Norman party, characters cer¬
tainly not essential to the great events connected with the story of the
work ; a circumstance we do not find on the Saxon side. But with
the Normans we are informed that Turold, an individual of no histo¬
rical note, held the horses of William’s messengers, by the bare men¬
tion of his name. And again, the words, “ Here is Wadard are
simply written, without more explanation. Who Wadard might have
been, history does not record ; we must therefore conclude he was a
character too well known to those persons acquainted with what was
passing in the army of William to need any amplification to point out
his rank, but not of sufficient importance to be recorded in history.
The same application may be made in regard to Vital, whom William
interrogates concerning the army of Harold.

The interesting subject of these remarks has induced me to extend
them beyond my first intention. I trust this will plead my excuse for
having so long trespassed upon your time. 1 have the honour to be,

Dear Sir, very respectfully yours,

CHARLES A. STOTHARD

To Samuel Lysons, Esq, F.R.S., &c. &c.

192

XXV. A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayenx Tapestry.
By Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A. in a Letter addressed to
Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 11th March, 1819.

DEAR SIR, Downing-street, March 1, 1819.

In the observations which I addressed to you on the historical fact
supposed to be established by the Bayeux Tapestry, I purposely ab¬
stained from investigating the age of that venerable and interesting
relick. Such an attempt, indeed, would have been foreign to the
object of my inquiry, believing as 1 then did, and as I still do, that,
to whatever period this work may be ascribed, it cannot justly be
considered as furnishing any evidence whatever of Harold’s mission
to the court of Normandy. But as the whole subject of the Tapestry
is now fairly before us, most ably illustrated both by the pencil and
the pen of Mr. Stothard, jun. I am tempted to avail myself of the

■v

opportunity thus afforded me of adverting to the question which has
been so long at issue. This may perhaps seem the less necessary,
when I profess myself to be abundantly satisfied with the proofs ad¬
duced by Mr. Stothard in support of the tradition which makes the
Tapestry coeval with the events it celebrates. As, however, he has
omitted to notice the objections raised against that tradition by the
Abbe de la Rue,a I have thought that an attempt to invalidate those
objections might not be unseasonable. I ought to premise that, in
treating the arguments used by the Abbe de la Rue as inconclusive,
I am not unmindful of the respect which this Society must entertain
towards its learned correspondent ; nor am I insensible of the obliga-

Archaeol. vol. xvii. p. 85.

193

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

tions which ought to be felt by the English literary publick for the
valuable information which he has communicated respecting the early
poets of Normandy. Though he may have been, as I think he is, mis¬
taken on the question before us, he is so profoundly skilled in the
learning connected with it as to render his observations fully entitled
to attentive consideration.

To prevent misunderstanding as to the question in dispute, it may
be proper to explain, that the tradition which is here meant to be
defended is that which reports the Tapestry (or more accurately
speaking, the needlework which passes under that name) to have been
prepared by Queen Matilda, the wife of William the Conqueror, either
with her own hand, or under her superintendence, and to have been
presented by her to the cathedral church of Bayeux, as a memorial of
the Conquest of England.

The first objection raised by the Abbe de la Rue against the early
antiquity of the Tapestry is, that it is not noticed among the treasures
possessed by the Conqueror at his decease. To this it may be suffi¬
cient to reply, that the tradition describes it to have been given to the
church of Bayeux by Queen Matilda, who died four years before
William. — It is no impeachment therefore of that tradition to shew
that the property which she had thus given away (most probably soon
after the dedication of the cathedral in 1077) was not found some
years afterwards in the possession of her husband.

The next objection is, that it is not included in an agreement made
between William Rufus and the monks of Caen, by which the crow n
and jewels bequeathed to them by the Conqueror were intended to be
exchanged for the lordship of Coker, in the county of Somerset. Two
remarks readily occur in answer to this. First, that it has never been
supposed that the monks of Caen had any controul over this tapestry,
as that had been given, not to them, but to the cathedral of Bayeux,
which had Odo, the Conqueror’s brother, for its bishop, and which w*as
undoubtedly chosen to be the depository of this gift, not merely on
that account, but from its having been the scene of Harold’s oath, one

s c

von. xix.

! £4 A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeu v Tapestry.

of the principal events which is there recorded. Secondly, that even
it it were possible that these monks could have had any property in the
Tapestry, it is highly improbable that Rufus, of whose cunning rapa¬
city some amusing anecdotes8 are extant, could have ever thought of
putting a long roll of linen, which had no marketable value, in the
same scale with the gold and jewels which he was to purchase with
lands and lordships. After all, it appears that this intended exchange
was not completed in Rufus’s time, but that a similar one was after¬
wards effected by his brother and successor, Henry the First, in which
the Tapestry was still not included. But the character of Henry, as
the Abb6 de la Rue observes, gives us good reason to believe that he
would have had too much respect for his father’s memory to remove
the record of his proudest triumphs. N ow this remark (in itself a very
just one) shakes to its foundation the argument before attempted to be
built upon the fact that all notice of the Tapestry had been omitted in
the exchange.

The learned Writer then proceeds to notice the dedication of the
church of Bayeiix by William in 1077, and to remark that in two MSS.
of the thirteenth century, no mention is made of the donation of the
Tapestry, although the forest of Ele is stated to have been bestowed
by the king on the bishop and canons. Now it is by no means neces¬
sary to suppose that the Tapestry was given at the time of dedication.
Perhaps it may be more natural to conjecture that the thought of such
a decoration might first suggest itself to the queen on her being pre¬
sent at that ceremony. Neither is it very surprising that a monk who

wrote two centuries after the event should either not have known

a The most amusing is that which is related by Eadrner (p. 47), who says, that the king
undertook for the sum of 60 marks to reconvert a Jew’s son from Christianity to Judaism,
but failing in, his attempt, he insisted on his right to receive from the old Jew half this douceur
as a reward for his having used his endeavours to accomplish the object required. The Jew
reluctantly consents, and "the devil and the king divide the prize." The anecdote has been
often referred to, but it is worth while to turn to it in the original author, who has given it a
dramatic effect.

A Defence of the early Antiquity df the Bayern' Tapestry. 1 95

when the Tapestry was bestowed, or should not have thought of
coupling it with so very dissimilar a gift as that of a forest.1

The next objection is*of a different nature. It is stated that at the
storming of Bayeux by Henry the First in 1106, that city, with its
cathedral, was destroyed by fire, having been first plundered by the
soldiers ; and it is inferred that the Tapestry, had it existed, could not
have escaped the devastation. This inference, however, may not ap¬
pear to be quite a necessary one, when we recollect how many remains
of antiquity have been preserved in our own churches, notwithstanding
the plunder and storm to which most of them have been in turns sub¬
jected, particularly during the period of the rebellion. And in point
of fact, it is admitted by the Abbe himself, that many monuments of
greater antiquity were preserved in this very cathedral. Besides, not¬
withstanding the expressions used by Wace, the authorities quoted be¬
low afford strong ground for believing that the cathedral was not totally
destroyed in 1 106. Indeed as the present church was not built till 1 159, b
it is difficult to conceive that during a period of fifty-three years, re¬
markable beyond all others for the erection of sacred edifices, the rich
and important see of Bayeux could have been entirely left without an
episcopal church.0 It may be suggested too with some shew of proba-

a It seems not improbable that there is a source left from which some valuable information
might still be gained, respecting the cathedral of Bayeux and its treasures, including perhaps
the Tapestry itself. From the preface to Neustria Pia (Rothomag. 1663, fol.) it appears
that Father Du Monstier, the author of that posthumous work, left four other volumes in
manuscript, one of which is stated by the editor, M. Gallemand, to treat, “ de sex Ecclesiis
Metropolitanse in Neustria suffraganeis j de suorum Episcoporum adventu ; successione 5
synodis 5 epistolis 5 muniis, et prceclaribus gestis.” This MS. the editor says, was deposited
with the others in the convent of the Recollects at Rouen. If it should have survived the
storm of the revolution, I cannot help inferring, from the diligence which the author has
displayed in his published volume, that it would repay the trouble of a search.

b Ducarel’s Anglo-Norman Antiquities, p. 77.

c That the church w'as not totally destroyed, and that repairs were soon afterwards bestowed
upon it, will be found on consulting William of Malmsbury, who, after mentioning the con¬
flagration, adds, “ detrimenta Ecelesiie Rex mirificb resarcivit," (edit. Francf. p. 157.) It ap¬
pears too from Robert De Monte that Philip, Bishop of Bayeux, contributed to restore the

2 c *2

196 A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

bility, that the respect entertained by Henry for his father’s fame, be¬
fore noticed by the Abb6 de la Rue, might have led him to give orders*
tor the preservation of this relick. And as to the little regard which
the Abbe supposes the besieging army would of themselves have shewn
tow ards such a monument of Norman achievements, he seems to have
forgotten that this army (which w as perhaps chiefly composed of the
descendants of Normans) included in it, as he had just before stated,
the troops of the province of Maine, whose ancestors it is well known
had been enrolled in the victorious army at Hastings. May it not also*
be conceived that during the siege some precautions might have been
taken by the ecclesiasticks or citizens of Bayeux to preserve from de¬
struction the work of Matilda, the mother of their sovereign, Duke
Robert? Whichsoever of these suggestions may be thought the most
probable, it is surely too much, in the absence of detailed evidence, to
infer that the Tapestry must have been destroyed, beyond the possi¬
bility of redemption.

It is then attempted to be shewrn, that because Queen Matilda did
not dispose of the Tapestry by her will, her silence is sufficient to
prove that it wras never in her possession. This is surely a strange
inference ! The cathedral had been dedicated six years before
Matilda’s death. Why might it not have been presented by her
during that interval ? And if it had, why need she give any testamen¬
tary confirmation of it? Why should her will have been rendered a
boasting catalogue of her former bounties ? But the learned writer
maintains that she could not have given it in her lifetime, because it
was an unfinished work. This however seems from Mr. Stothard’s
examination not likely to have been the fact. The end of it appears
to have been injured, but the story, it is probable, wras not meant to
be continued, beyond the termination of the battle of Hastings,

church. His words are, “ Ecclesih Bajocensi igne eombusffi, Philippus Episcopus in ejus
rcstauratione iterum viriliter laborat.” (Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, tom. 13, p. 306.)-
If then the church was not irreparably damaged, there is no difficulty in conceiving that a
favourite ornament like the Tapestry might have been saved from destruction, as well as the
vdicks mentioned by the Abbd de la Rue.

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry. J97

which, it has been well observed, completes “ a perfect and finished
action.” a

Another objection, and one on which the author appears to place
much reliance, is drawn from the silence of Wace, who wrote his
Metrical Histories nearly a century after the Tapestry is supposed to
have been executed. Now it certainly does not appear to me at all
surprising- that Wace should not have thought it necessary to quote
such an authority in support of facts which were probably just as well
known in his time as those of the wars of Marlborough are in ours.
As well might we doubt the age of the tapestry in the House of Lords,
because historians have not derived from that source their narratives
of the defeat of the Spanish Armada. Or to come nearer home to us,
as well might the pictures which adorn our walls be deemed modern
fabrications, because Holinshed and Speed have not quoted them in
their descriptions of the Battle of Spurs, or of the Royal Interview in
the Champ de Drap d’Or. It should be remembered that monuments
of this kind derive much of their importance from antiquity, and are
never exalted to the rank of historical documents until time has
mouldered away most of those which have had a better claim to that
title. Wace and his contemporaries probably admired the Tapestry
for what they deemed the skill of its workmanship, and the brilliancy
of its colours, the beauty of its design, and the truth of its deline¬
ations : qualities which call less loudly for admiration at the end of
seven centuries; — but they little dreamed that, when that period
should arrive, learned historians would be found gravely citing as a
document what they had considered only as a pleasing picture.

But it seems that Wace has not only not quoted the Tapestry, but
has varied from it in a manner which proves that he had never seen
it. The instances given of this variation are however a little unfor¬
tunate. The first of them is very unimportant, for the difference
merely consists in placing a figure at the stern instead of the prow of

1 See "Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry, by Hudson Gurney, Esc. M.P. F.S.A." in.
Arehaeologia, Vol. XVIII. p. 361..

193 A Defence of the emit/ Antiquity of the Bayeu.v Tapestry.

a ship, and in giving him a bow instead of a trumpet, From an
authority quoted by the Abbe himself, it appears that, with regard
to this latter fact, the Tapestry was right and Wace was wrong ;
and thus an argument is unintentionally furnished in favour of the
superior antiquity of the Tapestry. The second instance of variation,
namely, that relating to Taillefer’s sword, may be easily dismissed,
since, after all, it now appears from Mr. Stothard’s examination, that
neither Taillefer nor his sword are to be found in the Tapestry. The
lively incident here alluded to, so well described by the poet Gaimar,
would probably have had its place in the Tapestry, if, as the Abbe de
la Rue in a former paper supposes, that performance bore a later date
than Gaimar’s verses/ As it is, the gallant minstrel lives in a poetical
but not in a pictorial clothing,

I now come to the position advanced by the Abbe de la Rue, that the
Tapestry is not of Norman but of English workmanship. This opinion
I confess I feel little desire to controvert. The question of antiquity
seems not at all affected by it, and as it is not very probable that the
whole work was executed by Matilda’s own hand, it is of little import¬
ance whether her assistants were selected from her Norman or her
English subjects. Indeed this singular monument would certainly not
be rendered less interesting to us, if it should turn out to be of English
execution. However, as I cannot consider the learned author’s argu¬
ments to be quite conclusive, and as they involve some curious ques¬
tions arising out of the Tapestry, 1 shall not scruple to proceed with
the investigation.

a In the Abbe de la Rue’s excellent account of Gaimar (Archaeol. Vol. XII. p. 308) he
supposes that poet to have been anterior to Wace, and to have written before 1150, many
years preceding the date which he has assigned to the Tapestry. It should be observed that,
in support of the story of Taillefer and his exploits in the battle of Hastings, there is a respect¬
able prose authority, at least as old as the poetical ones, Wace and Gaimar. It is Henry of
Huntingdon, who says, “ Quidam vero nomine Taillefer diu antequam coirent bellatcres,
ensibus jactatis ludens coram gente Anglorum, dum in eum omnes stuperent, quendam vexilli-
ferum Anglorum interficit. Secundo similiter egit. Tertio idem agens, et ipse interfectus est.”
(p. 368, edit. Franeof. 1601.) A free translation of the verses of Wace and Gaimar, describing
this incident, will be found in the Appendix to this communication, see p. 206.

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeu.v Tapestry. 199

The first question relates to the Saxon name JElfgyva , given to a
female who is shewn in conversation with an ecclesiastic, immediately
after Harold’s reception in William’s palace ; — the inscription being
“Ubi unus Clericus et JElfgyva.” It is not clear whether the
priest is bringing intelligence or bestowing a benediction ; and it is
extremely doubtful what female is thus represented. There is much
difficulty in conceiving that either a Norman or an English artist would
have designated Queen Matilda under a name or title which she never
assumed. Mr. Douce supposes that Adela, or Adeliza, the daughter of
William, who was betrothed to Harold, is the personage thus pour*
trayed, and he thinks it probable that her name was corrupted into
iElfgyva. This justly distinguished writer seems also to suspect that
the word might have been incorrectly transcribed from the Tapestry,
but this I am assured by Mr. Stothard is not the case, it being very
distinctly legible. That Adeliza (or Agatha, as she is called by
Ordericus Yitalis) could not have been the person meant, is clear, 1
think, from her having been a mere child, almost an infant, when
Harold visited Normandy. William, her father, was not married till
1050, according to the Chronicle of Tours, a though other writers place
that event two years earlier. Adeliza is generally represented as the
third daughter, and must have been younger than her brothers Robert
and Richard. If Harold’s voyage, therefore, took place even as late as
1064 (and by some writers it is placed much earlier) it seems unlikely
that Adeliza could have been more than four or five years old ; conse¬
quently the figure in the Tapestry, though of short stature, could not
have been intended for her. Some historians have reported that she
died while still a child, prior to the invasion ; but others have pro¬
longed her life, and married her against her will to a king of Gallicia
I have thought it worth while to collect in a note the scattered testi-

* L’Art de Verifier les Dates, Vol. II. p. 842. But I ought to observe, that on referring to
the Chronicle of Tours, as published in the 12th volume of the justly praised Benedictine
< 'ollection of French Historians, I do not find this date marked, though it occurs in the index
to that volume. Some authors fix the marriage in 1053.

200 A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

monies I have found concerning this mysterious princess,® but for the
more mysterious portrait I own I am at a loss to hod an original;

a The history and even the name of this rejected princess are left in inexplicable confusion.
The Norman writers, who might have been presumed to be the best informed, are completely
at variance with each other. William of Jumieges calls her Adeliza (i. e. Alice,) and Ordericus
Vitalis, Agatha ; while in the Chronicle of Normandy she is named Alle, answering to Adela ;
thus confounding three daughters of William, who are generally described elsewhere as distinct
personages. Some of the English writers have called her Adeliza, and others Adela, while
Malmsbury honestly confesses that her name has escaped him. Even Matilda is among her
aliases, but I am not aware that she was ever called JElfgiva. Next, as to her fate, Malmsbury
has cut it short by asserting that she died before the Norman invasion, without having attained
a marriageable age. William of Jumieges says, that she lived to maturity, but died unmarried.
Eadmer represents her to have been living at the time of the invasion, for he says, that Harold
being called on by William to complete his contract, attempted to justify his refusal by alleging
the impropriety of his placing, inconsultis principibus, a female foreigner on the throne of
England. This phrase, inconsultis principibus, seems to involve ratlver a curious question as
to the authorities whose opinions it might have been necessary to solicit. It would be tedious
to burthen this note with references to subsequent writers who have transcribed their accounts
from one or other of these original sources. But I cannot help remarking, that Ordericus
Vitalis, as if this poor princess had not already experienced sufficiently mortification, lias
related a pathetic tale of her being betrothed against her inclination to Alphonso, King of
Gallicia. Having seen and loved the Englishman who had abandoned her, she, with feelings
equally perverse and disinterested, hated the Spaniard whom she had not seen, but who was
willing to receive her. With tears, therefore, she implored Heaven to relieve her by death
from this bondage. Her prayer was heard. She died on her voyage towards Spain, and was
carried back to be buried at Bayeux. This story appears to be in part true, though not fixed
by this author on the right person. Malmsbury refers it to another nameless daughter of
William, with this whimsical addition, that from the frequency of her prayers, it was found,
after her death, that her knees had grown callous, translated by Sandford brawned, and by
others horny. Baron Maseres, thinking such an extraordinary proof of piety would best accord
with the -character of an abbess, has conjectured that the person meant to be described was
Cecilia, William’s eldest daughter, who presided over her mother’s abbey at Caen. But this
reverend abbess was devoted by her parents to a religious life from her infancy ; and so far
from dying through love or vexation, it appears in the Neustria Pia that she reigned in her
monastery 47 years, and lived to a good old age. On the whole, it seems that the name and
adventures of Harold’s betrothed princess must remain an impenetrable secret, not indeed much
worth knowing, but serving as an addition to the very numerous instances of contradictory
testimony to be found in writers of general veracity, and apparently possessing moans of
.information on the subjects of which they treat.

201

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

though I admit that if the difficulties I have started could be sur¬
mounted, either Matilda or her daughter would have a fair claim to
consideration. iElfgyva was one of the names or titles of the queen of
Edward the Confessor, the sister of Harold. It was also the name of
Harold's wife, sometimes called Algitha, the sister of Earls Edwin and
Morcar, whose very existence is doubted by Lord Lyttelton ; though
I incline to think that the balance of the authorities on this subject
(to which references are subjoined) a leaves her some pretensions to be

1 It is remarkable, that the wedded as well as the betrothed wife of Harold should have
oeen left by the historians of the day in uncertainty and obscurity. This supposed queen of
Harold is represented by a Norman writer, William of Jumieges, (Duchesne Script. Nor-
mann. p. 285) to have been the daughter of the renowned Earl Algar, and widow of Griffin,
King of Wales, whom Harold had overthrown during the reign of the Confessor. His ac¬
count is followed by Ordericus Vitalis, (Duchesne, p. 492). No notice, however, appears to be
taken of her either in the Welsh or the Saxon Chronicle, nor are the histories of Malmsburv,
Eadmer, and William of Poitiers more communicative. There is, besides, a passage in In-
gulphus (already cited by Lord Lyttelton) which tends to negative Algitha’s existence, by
asserting that Earl Algar, who died some years before Harold’s accession, left but one
daughter, named Lucia, who is known to have married three husbands, the last of whom was
Ranulph, Earl of Chester. In support of Ingulphus’s authority, it should be observed, that
he was not only contemporary with the fact related, being nearly thirty years old at Algar’s
death, but that he was afterwards Abbot of Croyland, a monastery to which that nobleman
was a munificent benefactor. On the other hand, Florence of Worcester (on whose authority
very great reliance is placed as to the events of this period) has certainly described this queen
as t*he sister of Earls Morcar and Edwin, the sons of Algar, and has related that, on receiving
the intelligence of Harold’s death, she was removed by her brothers to Chester (p. 430,
edit. 1592). This passage, the best authority perhaps in support of Algitha’s existence and
claim to royalty, is not noticed by Lord Lyttelton. It appears verbatim in the almost contem¬
porary history of Simeon of Durham, and has been generally copied by subsequent historians ;
but Brompton, I observe, has understood it to apply, not to Harold’s queen, but to his sister
Editha, the widow of the Confessor (Twysden, Script. X. col. 961). In his construction of
the words “ sororem suam Algitham Reginam,” he appears to have considered suam as
having reference to Harold, who is named in the preceding sentence. But besides that this
construction is not the obvious one, it seems improbable that Florence, by whom Edward's
queen is repeatedly named Eadgitha, should on this solitary occasion have given her the
appellation of Algitha ; — and that this is not a mistake in the printed copy, I have ascertained
by referring to two MSS. (Harl. 1757, and Cot. Vitellius, E. XIII. 1.) in the British Museum.
Nor does any reason appear why King Edward’s widow should have been under the special
protection of Edwin and Morcar. It may be remarked, perhaps, that among Harold’s excuses
for the non-performance of his contract v, ith William’s daughter, he does not allege as an

yol. XIX. 2

202

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

ranked among the queens of England. Could either of these prin¬
cesses have been the jElfgyva of the Tapestry? The conjecture is, 1
admit, an improbable one, and I must now leave the question where
1 found it, just observing, however, that this very obscurity is perhaps
a strong proof of the greater antiquity of the work. Had it beenexe-
cuted a century after the Conquest, the leading and well known events
of the story would only have been depicted, for its minuter details
would have been forgotten.

The figure over which is inscribed “ Hie est Wadard” I consider
to be no longer doubtful. The word is not Saxon, nor the name of
any office, as the Abbe de la Rue supposes, but is the proper name of
the individual represented. 1 am indebted to your kindness for the
confirmation of my conjecture on this subject, by the references with
which you obligingly furnished me to Domesday Book, where his
name occurs in no less than six counties as holding lands of large
extent under Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, the tenant in capite of those
properties from the Crown.a That he was not a guard or centinel, as

impediment his marriage with another. But in an age when wives were easily repudiated,
this would not have been admitted as imposing any difficulty ■, more especially as the former
contract might have been held to invalidate the marriage. Yet, on the whole, though Algitha’s
name has generally been found in the pages of later historians, and though Speed and Rapin
have called her the mother of Wolf, the son of Harold, who was afterwards knighted by
William Rufus, I am disposed to admit that some doubt may reasonably be entertained how
far the testimony of one English and one Norman historian (for the rest are mere tran¬
scribers) ought to weigh against the counter evidence of Ingulphus, and the silence of the
other chroniclers of the times.

The question, after all, is one of very slight importance. A Saxon queen more or less will
not much enrich or impoverish our Royal Tables, especially so transitory a queen as Algitha,
who may be said, like the crowned progeny of Banquo, to “come like shadow, so depart.”
The best apology I can offer for this minute and perhaps tedious discussion is, that the
subject has before engaged the attention of so able a writer as Lord Lyttelton, and that
many of the points above referred to appear to have escaped his observation.

a Wadard’s name will be found as tenant to Odo in the following pages of the first volume
of Domesday, viz. Kent, fol. 6, 7 b, 10 ■ Surrey, fol. 32 Wilts, fol. 66 Oxfordshire,
fol. 155 b, 156, 156 b ; Warwickshire, fol. 238 b ; Lindesay (in Lincolnshire) fol. 342, 342 b,
343 b. That he was a person of some importance is apparent from the number and extent
of his possessions. In Oxfordshire alone he was under-tenant in different places for no less
than forty hides and a half, making, according to the usual computation, 4860 acres.

203

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayern' Tapestry.

the Abbe de la Rue supposes, but that he held an office of rank
in the household of either William or Odo, seems now decided
beyond a doubt. This agrees with the conjecture of M. Lancelot,
as well as with that of Mr. Gurney, a who supposes him to have
borne the rank of Dapifer, an office concerning which it may be
useful to observe, that much ourious information will be found in
Spelman’s Glossary. The circumstance of Wadard being a follower
of Odo seems to connect the latter more closely with the Tapestry,
and to render probable a conjecture which I have before offered,
that it was presented on his account to his episcopal church by
Queen Matilda, his sister in law ; — nor does it seem unlikely to have
been executed witli his knowledge, and even under his superintend¬
ence b I cannot help adding, that the clue thus furnished to Wadard

a Archaeol. Vol. XVIII. p. 368.

b This conjecture is rendered very probable by the account which is given by Ordericus
Vitalis (Duchesne, p. 664) of the great munificence of Odo towards the churches in his diocese,
and particularly towards the cathedral, which he built from its foundation. As he makes a
prominent figure in the Tapestry, he may here be briefly noticed. He was the son of William’s
mother by her husband Herluinus, and he appears to have possessed many of William’s brilliant
and commanding qualities. Ordericus in strong terms extols his eloquence and vigour, but in
another place admits that he had vices mixed with his virtues, and that his character was more
worldly than spiritual. Malmsbury charges him with turbulence, dissimulation, and rapacity.
Upon his seal (engraved in Ducarel’s Anglo-Norman Antiquities) he is represented on one
side in the habit of an ecclesiastic, and on the other as a warrior mounted and armed for
action. An anecdote furnished by Malmsbury seems to illustrate this description. When
he revolted from the authority of his brother (who had created him Earl of Kent, and
granted him very large possessions in various parts of England), Archbishop Lanfrane
advised the king to imprison him. To this William objected that he was a clergyman j when
Lanfrane replied, “ It is not the Bishop of Bayeux, but the Earl of Kent, whom you will
imprison.” This brings to recollection a story somewhere told of a German episcopal sovereign
who, when reproached with having committed a flagrant action, attempted to justify himself
by alleging that he had done it as a prince, not as a bishop. “But,” said his monitor, “if the
prince should go to the devil for it, what would become of the bishop ? ”

Robert, Earl of Moriton, or Moritol (more properly Morteuil ) another conspicuous person in
the Tapestry, was the brother of Odo, and half brother of William, He is described by
Malmsbury as dull and indolent, crassi et hebetis ingenii hominem.

Eustace, Earl of Boulogne, whom Mr. Stothard has discovered to have a place in the
Tapestry, was a nobleman of great influence, which, though he had fought under William’s

2 D 2

204 A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

supplies another argument for fixing the date of the Tapestry at no
remote period from the Conquest, for without having any pretensions
to historical fame, he would hardly have occupied the niche he now
fills, had the work been executed a century later. The same observa¬
tion may be applied with reference to the minor dramatis persona,
Turold and Vital.3

I must in candour admit, that the word Ceastra has a Saxon aspect,
but 1 cannot agree that the two inscriptions in which the term Franci
is applied to William’s troops are proofs of English workmanship. It
should be recollected, that the invading army was composed of troops
collected from Maine, Britany, and many other parts of France. The
general term “ Franci ” was therefore more applicable to them than
“Normanni” would have been. And that this word was not used
invidiously by the English is quite clear from an Act of the Conqueror
himself, printed in Dr. Wilkins’s collection, of which the style runs
thus : “ Willielmus Rex Anglorum, Dux Normannorum, omnibus ho-
minibus suis Francis et Anglis salutem.” The distinctions Francigena
and Anglus prevail through this Act, as well as in other instruments
recently published in the new edition Of Rymer’s Fcedera.

The question raised by the Abbe de la Rue respecting the use made
of JEsop’s fables in a part of the border of the Tapestry, would call
for more attention if it were ascertained beyond dispute that these
fables were not known in Western Europe till after the first crusade.
But as that conjecture seems unsupported, I shall hasten to conclude
an examination already I fear too far extended, by just noticing the
rules which the learned author has quoted from Freret, for distin¬
guishing a true from a false tradition. These rules (resembling those

banners at Hastings, he shortly afterwards exerted against him. He deserves notice as the
father of the illustrious Godfrey of Boulogne, immortalized by Tasso’s Poem.

1 A tenant named Vitalis , probably the person described under the appellation of Vital in
the Tapestry, appears, in Domesday, to have held lands under Odo in Kent and the son of a
person named Turold is found among the undertenants of that prelate in Essex. If these ex¬
planations be admitted, Wadard, Vital, and Turold, three obscure personages, whose appearance
in the Tapestry is otherwise unaccounted for, appear to have owed that distinction to their having
been followers of Odo ; and thus the connection of the Tapestry with Odo ascertains its age.

205

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayeux Tapestry.

which lawyers employ in the investigation of a modus ) will hardly be
considered as applying* unfavourably to the antiquity of the Tapestry,
after the proofs afforded by Mr. Stothard of its conformity in every
point with the costume and character of the times.

In thus attempting to defend the traditional age of the Tapestry, it
will perhaps be thought that I have allowed it every claim to attention
except that of being an historical document. But that it is one I have
never denied. I have only thought, and I still think that it neither
does decide, nor, even were it more explicit, ought it to decide the
important question canvassed in my former letter. It is perhaps a
characteristic of the literature of the present age to deduce history
from sources of second-rate authority ; — from ballads and pictures,
rather than from graver and severer records. Unquestionably this is
the preferable course, if amusement, not truth, be the object sought
for. Nothing can be more delightful than to read the reigns of the
Plantagenets in the dramas of Shakspeare, or the tales of later times
in the ingenious fictions of the author of Waverley. But those who
would draw historical facts from their hiding places must be content
to plod through many a ponderous worm-eaten folio, and many a half-
legible and still less intelligible manuscript. a

Yet if the Bayeux Tapestry be not history of the first class, it is
perhaps something better. It exhibits genuine traits, elsewhere sought
in vain, of the costume and manners of that age which of all others,
if we except the period of the Reformation, ought to be the most
interesting to us ; — that age which gave us a new race of monarchs,
bringing with them new landholders, new laws, and almost a new lan¬
guage. As in the magic pages of Froissart, we here behold our an¬
cestors of each race in most of the occupations of life — in courts and
camps — in pastime and in battle — at feasts and on the bed of sickness.
These are characteristics which of themselves would call forth a lively
interest ; but their value is greatly enhanced by their connection with

* These remarks do not apply to the admirable use which Mr. Turner, in his Anglo -Savon
and Norman Histories, has made of documents of the description alluded to, in illustrating
the manners, customs, genius, and literature of the times.

20 6

A Defence o f the early Antiquity of the Baytux Tapestry .

one of the most important events in history, the main subject of the
whole design. Most sincerely therefore do I congratulate the Society
on possessing a faithful and elegant copy of this matchless relic,
affording at once a testimonial of the taste and liberality of our
Council, and of the diligence and skill of our artist.

I remain always, my dear Sir,

Very sincerely your’s,

THOMAS AMYOT.

To Henry Ellis, Esq.

APPENDIX.

Referred to in the preceding Communication page 198, note a,

Gaimar’s spirited verses, describing the minstrel Taillefer’s achieve¬
ments in the battle of Hastings, have been already extracted from
the MS. in the British Museum, by Mr. Douce, as well as Wace’s
relation of that incident, in his history of the Dukes of Normandy.
But as the obsolete Norman dialect of these old chroniclers renders
them unintelligible to the general reader, I venture to think that a
free translation, rather amplified, may not be wholly unacceptable.
1 am the more disposed to this belief, from observing that Mr. Douce
has strongly recommended a translation of that part of Wace’s
MS. which relates to the battle. In the following attempt, I have
taken the liberty of blending the two passages, as each contains par¬
ticulars which are not found in the other; the song of Roland, and
the minstrel’s prayer to William, being only mentioned by Wace, while
the trick of catching the lance and sword,- and the odd incident of
the horse, owe their notice to Gaimer.

THE ONSET OF TAILLEFER.

Foremost in the bands of France,

Arm’d with hauberk and with lance,

And helmet glittering in the air,

As if a warrior-knight he were,

Rushed forth the minstrel Taillefer. —

207

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayern Tapestry.

Borne on his courser swift and strong,

He gaily bounded o’er the plain,

And raised the heart-inspiring song
(Loud echoed by the warlike throng)

Of Roland and of Charlemagne,

Of Oliver, brave peer of old,

Untaught to fly, unknown to yield,

And many a knight and vassal bold,

Whose hallowed blood, in crimson flood,

Dyed Roncevalles’ field.

Harold’s host he soon descried,

Clustering on the hill’s steep side :

Then turned him back brave Taillefer,

And thus to William urged his prayer :

“ Great Sire, it fits not me to tell
“ How long I’ve served you, or how well ;

“ Yet if reward my lays may claim,

“ Grant now the boon I dare to name :

“ Minstrel no more, be mine the blow
“ That first shall strike yon perjured foe.’

“ Thy suit is gained,” the Duke replied,

“ Our gallant minstrel be our guide.”

“ Enough,” he cried, “ with joy I speed,

“ Foremost to vanquish or to bleed.”

And still of Roland's deeds be sung,

Wdiile Norman shouts responsive rung,

As high in air his lance he flung,

With well directed might ;

Back came the lance into his hand,

Like urchin’s ball, or juggler's wand,

And twice again, at his command,

And whirled it’s unerring flight. —

While doubting whether skill or charm
Had thus inspired the minstrel’s arm,

208

A Defence of the early Antiquity of the Bayern' Tapestry .

The Saxons saw the wondrous dart
Fixed in their standard-bearer’s heart.

Now thrice aloft his sword he threw,

’Midst sparkling sunbeams dancing,

And downward thrice the weapon flew,

Like meteor o’er the evening dew,

From summer sky swift glancing :

And while amazement gasped for breath,

Another Saxon groaned in death.

More wonders yet ! — on signal made,

With mane erect, and eye-balls flashing.

The well-taught courser rears his head,

His teeth in ravenous fury gnashing ;

He snorts — he foams— and upward springs—
Plunging he fastens on the foe,

And down his writhing victim flings,

Crushed by the wily minstrel’s blow.

Thus seems it to the hostile band
Enchantment all, and fairy land,

Fain would I leave the rest unsung : —

The Saxon ranks, to madness stung,

Headlong rushed with frenzied start,

Hurling javelin, mace, and dart;

No shelter from the iron shower
Sought Taillefer in that sad hour;

Y et still he beckoned to the field,

“ Frenchmen, come on — 4he Saxons yield —

“ Strike quick — strike home — in Roland’s name—
<c For William’s glory — Harold’s shame.”

Then pierced with wounds, stretched side by side,
The minstrel and his courser died.

209

XXVI. Observations on the antient Military Garments formerly
worn in England. By Samuel Rush Meyrick, LL.D. in
a Letter addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.B.S. Secretary.

Read 1st April, 1819.

College of Advocates, Doctors’ Commons,
DEAR SIR, Dec. 28th, 1818.

The favorable reception which the Society of Antiquaries has been
pleased to give to my paper on the Body-armour antiently worn in
England, induces me through your means to lay before them some
remarks on those parts of military Costume which were worn with it.
The subject however is one of considerable difficulty, because several
of the garments greatly resembled one another, and because they
were worn sometimes under the hauberk, and sometimes without as
armour themselves. On this account Strutt and other writers on the
subject have considered them as the same, or confounded them one
with another. It would be presumption therefore in me to speak
positively in this attempt at elucidation, so that all I shall advance
will be offered as conjecture.

It seems to me, nevertheless, that they may be classed under the
following heads, in which order I propose to consider them.

The Wambeys,
The Hauketon,

The Pourpoint,
The Jacque,
The Doublet,

The Armilausa,
The Surcoat,
The Cyclas,
The Giupon,
The Tabard,

The Cointisse,
The Birrus,

j' Worn under the Armour, or as Armour themselves,
j* Alone, or over the Armour.

j| Worn over the Armour,
j- Exterior Garments.

2 E

VOL. XIX.

210

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

THE WAMBEYS.

This word is derived from the antient German Wamba or Wambon,
the Abdomen, whence the Saxon Wambe, and English Wombe.
The Wambeys therefore signifies “ A covering for the belly.” It has
however been corrupted by the writers of the different nations by
which it was adopted into Wambais, Wambasium, Gambiex, Gambai-
son, Gamboison, Gambaycho, Gambocia, Gambeson, Gambison,
Gamvisum, Gombeson, Gaubeson, Goubisson, and Gobisson.

Even Cluverius seems not to have distinguished this under-habit
from the others, for in his Antiquitates Germ. Lib. 1. c. 16, he says,
“ Earn vestium partem, quam vulgus nunc Latinorum Thoracem ap-
pellat, patria vero lingua Wammes, et inferioris Germanise dialectus
Wambeis, Dania Wames, Hispani Jubon, Itali Giupone, Galli Pour-
point, Angli et Leodicenses ad Mosam amnem Doblet,” &c. “That
piece of clothing, which is now by the vulgar called the Roman Tho¬
rax, but in the country language Wammes, and in the dialect of
Lower Germany Wambeis, in Denmark Wames, by the Spaniards Ju¬
bon, the Italians Giupone, the French Pourpoint, the English and
the inhabitants of Liege on the river Meuse, Doblet,” &c. Strutt
delivers the same sentiments, though without noticing that the remark
had been previously made.

With respect to the composition of this vestment, the Scholiast on
Thucydides states it to be nTxov to epiov ttyixIov, “ a body-covering of
wool beat up together closely,” and Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in his
Tactics ^roXo is sf%ov ol toiovtoi •tyihoi \o-%vpas xa) TT7]XTa.$, “ a stout military
vest of felt, such as is worn by light troops.” An anonymous author,
De Rebus bellicis Notitiae Imperii subjectum, says it is Vestimenti
genus quod de coactili ad mensuram et tutelam pectoris humani con-
ficitur, de mollibus lanis. A kind of garment made to the full size of
the breast, in order to protect it, of felt and soft wool.

Nicetas in his 1st book of the Life of the Emperor Isaac describes
it as “ a quilted tunic well stuffed with wool, that had been washed,
and beat up with vinegar, and therefore supposed to resist steel.” In

211

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

an Account of Expences, entitled Computis Baillivorum Franciae,
an. 1268, one of the items is Expensae pro cendatis, bourra ad Gam-
besones, Tapetis, &c. “ Money paid for Sandal, for flocks for Gam-
besons, for embroidery,” &c. It is described in the Chronicon Col-
mariense an. 1298 as Tunicam spissam ex lino et stuppa, vel veteribus
pannis consutam. “ A thick tunic with flax and tow, or pieces of
old cloth sewn within it.”

From a Roll in the Chamber of Accounts at Paris, an. 1332, quoted
by Du Cange, we learn that this habiliment was made by the Armour¬
ers, for the item runs “ Adse armentario 40 sol 4 den. pro factione
Gambesonarum. “ To Ada the armourer 40 sol 4 den. for the making
of Gambesons.”

It was worn under the Hauberk, for the Chronicon Colmariense in¬
forms us that desuper camisiam ferream, “ upon it was put the shirt
of mail and as the anonymous author before cited observes, its ob¬
ject was to prevent the body being galled by the armour, ut hoc
inducta primum Lorica vel Clibanus aut his similia, fragilitatem cor¬
poris ponderis asperitate non laederunt ; “ That this being put on first
the Hauberk, or Clibanus (so called from its resemblance to filagree
work) or other kinds of body-armour, might not by the asperity of
their weight do any injury to the delicate parts of the body.” The
Scholiast on Thucydides describes it, aWep Swpaxtov t<, uko ra <?
svSuojaeSa, “ as a kind of thorax which was put on under the pectoral :”
and the words of the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus are avr)
xKi(dav)wv, xou hwpixitov “ put on before the Clibani and the Loricae.” On
this account it was sometimes called Subarmale.

From the expression of Lord De Joinville, I am inclined to think
that the Wambeys was so tightly stuffed that it would not have curved
round the body were it not for several longitudinal slashes made on
the outside and stitched down ; for in his Account of the Campaign
of St. Louis he tells us “ he found luckily a Goubison of coarse cloth
which had belonged to a Saracen, and turning the slit part inward,
he made a sort of shield, which was of much service to him.” The
parallel lines made by this contrivance appear on several monuments

2 e 2

212

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

below the hauberk, and are well defined in that of a knight in Hitch-
endon church, Herts. The Norman writers also affirm that it was
worn under the hauberk. Thus William de Guignaville, in his MS.
entitled Le Pelerinage de L’ame, says —

La sont heaumes et hauberjons,

Gorgeretes et Garabisons.

There are helmets and haubergeons.

Gorgets and Gambisons.

But that it was put on as a tunic is more evident from a subsequent
passage.

Le Gambison vesti Jesus
Quant por ti en croix fu pendus.

Jesus was clad in a Gambison

When for thee he was suspended on the Cross.

And William Brito in his Phillipics, Lib. II. has

Gambesumque audax forat et thoraca trilicem.

And boldly pierced his Gambison, and treliced Broigne.

The armour being mentioned last merely on account of the metre.

The Wambeys is described as generally having sleeves, for Albertus
Argentin. pag. 104, has this passage — Ubi manicas Wambasii sui
fractas cum novis peceis reparans : “ repairing the sleeves of his Wam¬
beys with new pieces where they were torn.” We further learn from
this author that it was generally of a red colour, for in page 112 he
says, Quidam carnifex Episcopum super dextrario in rubea Wambasia

circumventum . cuspide perforavit. “ A certain butcher thrust

his . lance through a bishop riding on a charger clad in a red

Wambeys.” The parallel lines before spoken of representing the slit-
part of the Wambeys may be seen not only below the hauberk, but
also on the wrists and necks of several sepulchral effigies of the Bour¬
bon family in the 1st vol. of Montfaucon’s Monarchic Fran^oise.

The Gambeson, however, was sometimes used instead of a coat of
mail, being found sufficiently strong to resist the ordinary force of a
weapon. Thus the Roman de Gaydon MS. says —

213

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

A ces paroles li vavasors s’arma

D’un Gambison viez enfum6 qu’il a.

At these words the Vassal armed himself

With an old smoky Gambison which he had.

And the Roman de Jordain MS. tells us —

Chascun avoit son Gambison vestu.

Every one had clothed himself in his Gambison.

So likewise the Roman de Rou et des Dues de Normandie says —

Plusonrs ourent vestus Hambeis

Cojures ont chaint et Carquois.

Many were clad in the Hambeis

Being girt with belts and quivers.

This seems to point out that it was appropriated to the Infantry,
and indeed it seems at first to have been allowed only to such as
through insufficiency of fortune were unable to purchase the more
costly hauberks of mail. Thus Roger Hoveden sub anno 1181 says,
Omnis autem homo habens in catallo 40 vel 30 vel 25 libras Andega-
vensis monetae, ad minus haberet albergellum, et capellum ferreum, et
lanceam et gladium ; caeteri autem omnes haberent Wambasium, capel¬
lum ferreum et lanceum et gladium. “ Every man having chattels to the
value of 40, 30, or 25 pounds of the money of Anjou, must at least have
an Haubergeon, a chapel de fer, a lance and a sword ; and all others
must possess a Wambasium, a chapel de fer, a lance and a sword.” The
same ordinance appears in the old Costumier of Normandy, Se n’est
pas Chevalier, ne il n’a point de fieu de Hauberc .... l’amende 1’ y
doit estre par un roncin, par un Gambiex, par un chapel, et par un
lance. “ If he happens not to be a Knight, and does not possess a
fief de Hauberc, the appearance with which he must make amends
must be a horse of inferior kind, a Gambiex, a chapel and a lance.”
Thus Guillaume le Breton notices this among the variety of armour
worn in the twelfth century.

Pectora tot Coriis tot Gambesonibus armant.

So many arm their breasts with Coria, so many with Gambesons.

214

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

I conceive the Corium to be that habit which resembles in shape a
tunic, but is covered with overlapping flaps of leather of two colours.
It appears in the Bayeux tapestry on persons of consequence, but in
an illuminated MS. in the Bodleian Library 86 Arch B, it is worn by a
common soldier. It is called Corietum in the Leges Normann: apud
Ludewig in this passage : Ad diem autem duelli assignatam debent se
pugilles in curia Justiciario offerre, antequam hora meridiei sit trans-
acta ; apparati in Corietis vel tunicis consuetis et cum scutis et baculis
cornutis armati. “ On the day assigned for the duel, the combatants
ought to present themselves in the Justice hall before twelve o’clock
has expired, clad in Corieta or in stitched tunics (Wambeys or Hau-
quetons), and armed with shields and batons having two horns.”

The stitching of those Wambeys which were worn without other
armour was made very ornamental, and gave rise to the Pourpoint.
Hence in the Pelerinage de Fame we read —

De tout ainsi comme fait est
De pontures le Goubisson
Pourquoi Pourpoint le appelle-t-on.

Entirely covered as the Gaubisson
Is made to be with punctures.

On that account it is called Pourpoint.

This and several other passages in this poem seem to indicate that
it was the same as the Pourpoint. The Consuetudo Brageriaci, art. 28,
points to something of this kind. Item armaturae, utpote enses,
lanceae, scuta, boglaria, loricae platae, pileus ferreus sive capellus, per-
poncha sive Gambaycho, guisarma, nec alia genera armorum neces-
saria ad tuitionem corporis pro ullo debitu pignorentur. “ Also arms,
as swords, lances, shields, bucklers, breast and back plates, a steel
cap or chapelle, a Pourpoint or Gambeson, guisarmes, nor any other
kind of arms necessary for the defence of the body, shall be pledged
for any debt.” But in a Charter of Philip the Fair, an. 1303, they are
evidently distinguished, for the words are, Et seront armez de porpoins
et de hauberjons, ou de Gambaisons. “ And they shall be armed with
pourpoints and with haubergeons or with Gambesons.”

On the antient Military Garments worn in England. 2 1 5

In the same manner it was sometimes confounded with the Hau-
queton, for it is evidently that which is described in the Siege of Kar-
leverok MS. in the Cotton Library.

Meinte heaume, et meint chapeau burni
Meint riche Gamboison guarni
De soie de cadas, et coton,

En lour venue veist on.

Many a helmet, and many a chapelle burnished

Many a rich Gambeson furnished

With silk, with tow of silk, and with cotton.

On their arrival they put on.

Probably then the Wambeys which was worn without a hauberk
was nearly the same as the Pourpoint ; and it appears from the lines
just quoted, that under such circumstances the materials were some¬
times changed to those of the Hauqueton.

Indeed I am led to imagine that the Wambeys which was worn alone
is more strictly that which the French termed Cote gamboisee, and I
am more than ever inclined to think that we see it in those representa¬
tions which I called hesitatingly Banded-armour. The objection I then
started, that kings are depicted as wearing it, is materially lessened by
making this distinction between the Wambeys, and Cote gamboisee,
particularly as we find the latter frequently enumerated in the inven¬
tories of arms belonging to the kings of France. Thus in one dated
1316 we have, Item une Cote gamboisee de cendal blanc, item 2 tu-
nicles et un gamboison de bordure des armes de France ; item un
Cuissiaux gamboisez, et uns esquivelans de cuir. “ Also a gamboised
coat of white sandal, also two tunicles and a Gamboison with a bor¬
der of the arms of France; also a thigh-piece gamboised, and a guard-
lance of leather.” William Guiart under the year 1298 speaks of it
by this name —

Que seul des Cotes gambesies
Pouvoit-on emplir maintes jailles.

That with gamboised coats alone
Could one fill many standard measures.

216

On the ant lent Military Garments worn in England.

And under 1304 —

Espies d’estos et de taille.

Cotes gambesies, ventailles.

Swords to thrust and cut,

Gamboised coats and Ventailles.

In the MS. Statutes des armoiers et coustepointiers de Paris we
read, Item se Ten fait cotes gamboisi£es, que elles soient couchees
deuement sur neufves estoffes et point£es, enferm£es, faites k deux
fois, bien et nettement emplies de bonnes estoffes, soient de cotton,
ou d’autres estoffes, &c. “ Also if any one makes gamboised coats,

that they may be laid two-fold on new stuffs and stitched, compact,
made double proof, well and neatly filled with good stuff, whether of
cotton or other stuffs,” &c. Further on, reference is made to Houpel-
landes Gamboisees, “ Gamboised shagged cloaks.” Other Statutes
of the year 1296 decree, Que nul doresnavant ne puist faire Cote gam-
boisiee, ou il n’ait 3 livres de coton tout net, si elles ne sont faites en
fremes, et au dessous soient faites entremains, et que il y ait un ply de
vieil linge, enprez l’endroit, de demie aulne, et demy quartier devant,
et autant derriere. “ That no one henceforth may make any gam¬
boised coat, which has not three pounds neat of cotton, when made in
a frame, or under when made by hand, and that there be a fold of old
linen near the place of half a yard and an eighth before, and as much
behind.”

Indeed Gamboisie seems to have implied stitched and padded work
generally, for in an account of Rob1 de Seris in the Royal deposit of
charters in France, one of the items is, Une selle de la taille d’Ale-
maigne et ce siege de cendail vermeil, gamboisie et pourfillee d’or.
“ A saddle of the German shape, and its seat of vermilion sandal,
gamboised and stitched with gold.”

TheWambeys likewise under the title of Gambaiseure formed a
covering for horses, for in a letter of John king of France, an. 1353, is
Que chascun ait le plus qu’il pourra de chevaux couvers de mailles et
de gambaiseure. “ That every one should have as many horses as he
could, covered with mail and with padded work.” The inventory of

217

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

arms before cited, an. 1316, calls this Couverture de gamboisons, “ a
housing of gambesons.”

The Wambeys, as we have seen, descended to the middle of the
thigh, and had sleeves ; a similar garment, but without sleeves, was
worn by the women to regulate their shape. Fauchet, who was co¬
temporary with our Queen Elizabeth, observes however, that it was
not so stout or strong either in materials or quilting. We have the
figure of a woman thus represented without any other clothing in a
MS. in the Cotton Lib. marked Tib. A. VII. entitled “The Pilgrim.”
The poem states, that

Save a Gambesoun (she) was naked.

And speaking of herself she says,

And the world I have forsake,

Richesse and alle pocessyoun.

Save only this Gambesoun.

The result of this inquiry into the Wambeys acquaints us, that when
worn under the body-armour it was a tunic with sleeves, which
reached nearly to the knees, made of stout coarse linen cloth stuffed
with flax, tow, flocks, or bits of old woollen cloth sewn down longi¬
tudinally, so as to have the appearance externally of clefts ; that when
worn as an outer garment, the materials with which it was wadded
were cotton and silk, like the Hauqueton, and that it was sometimes
so superbly stitched as to render it almost the same as the Pourpoint.

THE HAUQUETON.

Called also Hoqueton, Haukton, Auketon, Aketon, and Akton.
The origin of this word is involved in some obscurity. Boxhornius
would willingly give it a British derivation, and says it was so called
from the Welsh word Actuum, which he adds implies a double-cui¬
rass ; but unfortunately for this etymology there is no word in that
language which bears the slightest analogy to this supposed source.
Perizonius says it comes from the Greek 6 % irwv , but surely the article
would not have been thus corrupted. It has undoubtedly a Gothic

2 F

VOL. XIX.

218

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

origin, and I am inclined to refer it to the German language ; from
Hauen to hew, cut or tear, and Quittung, a getting rid or quittance ;
hence it would imply “ an obstacle to wounds.”

From the MS. Chronicle of Bertrand Du Guesclin, compiled at
the commencement of the fifteenth century, we learn that it was made
of buckram, for it observes,

Le Haucton fut fort j qui fut de bouquerant.

The Hauqueton was strong, being made of buckram.

And from the Roman du Ride et du Ladre that it was stuffed with
cotton.

Se tu vueil un Auqueton
Ne l’empli mie de coton,

Mais d’oeuvres de misericorde
Afin que Diables ne te morde.

If you wish to have a Hauqueton
Do not fill it with cotton.

But with works of mercy.

In order that you be not bit by Devils.

We are further informed by a wardrobe account dated 1212, in the
Harl. Library, marked 4573, that a pound of cotton was expended in
stuffing an Aketon belonging to king John, which cost twelye pence ;
and that the quilting of the same was charged at twelve pence more.
Hence we learn that the materials were different from those used for
the original Wambeys, and that while it was rendered stiff from being
of buckram, so was it thinner, owing to the use of cotton instead of
tow or wool. It has been observed that it was stitched, and we find
that was done sometimes in an elegant and very expensive manner ;
thread of gold being occasionally adopted. Thus in the Roman de
Gaydon is,

L’ Auqueton qui d’or fu pointurez.

The Hauqueton which was stitched with gold.

* •;?{.’ •' ‘.VilJJfJr? : ! ; .Hi t.t ><• . .t ...... '■

From the proverb Plus blanc d’un Auketon, “ Whiter than a Hau¬
queton,” we learn that it was generally white. This, however, was

•* p

219

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

not invariably the case, for Matthew De Couci, in his History of
Charles Vllth, says, Portoient Auctons rouges, recoupez dessous
sans croix. “ They wore red Hauquetons cut open below without a
cross.”

Like the Wambeys, the Hauqueton was worn sometimes under the
hauberk, and sometimes by itself as armour, and this fact may account
for their being confounded. Thus in the Roman de Gaydon we are
told a warrior

Sor l’Auqueton vest l’Auberc-jazerant.

Over the Hauqueton put on the jazerant-hauberk.

And again,

Sor l’Auqueton qui d’or fu pointurez

Vesti l’Auberc qui fut fort et serrez.

Over the Hauqueton, which was stitched with gold.

He put on the Hauberk, which was strong and compact.

And it is said in the Chronicle of Bertrand du Guesclin to have
saved a warrior from hurt after his shield and hauberk had been
pierced. Should those be specimens of the Hauqueton, worn under
the armour, as I conjecture, in the monuments of Sir John D’Auber-
noun, John of Eltham, and an unknown knight at Ifield church,
Sussex, it appears to have been padded only to the termination of
the body, allowing the buckram to form a puckered skirt round the
thighs.

Its value in point of protection and lightness was so well proved
that, as I have observed, it was itself sometimes used as armour.
Thus Thos Walsingham, the historian of Edward Illd’s time, tells us,
Indutus autem fuit Episcopus quadam armatura quam Aketon vulga-
riter appellamus. “ But the bishop had put on a certain kind of
armour which we commonly call Aketon.” And in a Statute of Oudo-
ard Lord of Hamen, A.D. 1328, occurs this passage: Se aucuns
hustions est fais as armes en la dite ville teles come Auqueton, espee,
coutel et boucler. “ If any quarrel is made with arms in the said city,
such as a Hauqueton, a sword, a cultellus and buckler.” In Scotland

2 F 2

220 On the ant lent Military Garments worn in England.

also it was considered as armour, for in the Statutes of Robert the 1st
we read, Quilibet habeat in defensione regni, unum sufficientem Acto-
nem, unum basinetum et chirothecas de guerra,” &c. “ Whosoever

may have in defence of the kingdom one sufficient Acton, one basci-
net, and gauntlets,” &c. Qui non habuerit Actonem et Basinetum,
habeat unum bonum habergellum, et unum capitium de ferro. “ Who
shall not possess an Acton and bascinet, let him have one good hau-
bergeon and one chapelle de fer.” By which it appears that the Hau-
queton in that country was very expensive, and had the preference to
the Haubergeon. It likewise is mentioned as armour in Rymer’s
Foedera, Vol. 4. p. 203. Aketonis, borcinettis, et aliis hujusmodi ar-
maturis. “With Aketons, borcinets, and other armour of this kind.”
It may not be improper to observe that the supposed specimens I
have noticed are of the time of Edward lid, or commencement of
Edward Hid, whereas the quotations to shew that the Hauqueton
was worn alone as armour, are most of a date subsequent to that
time.

In a letter of the year 1478, the Hauqueton seems to have taken
the form of a Gorget of plate covering the chest, for the words are,
Lequel Perrin bailla a icellui Mace ung coup de la fourche en la poi-
trine, dont il le navra, et l’eust tue n’eust este son Hoqueton d’argent.
“ Which Perrin aimed at the said Mace a blow with his military fork*
in the chest, by which he wounded him, and he would have been
killed, had it not been for his silver Hauqueton.”

THE POURPOINT,

Also denominated Prepoint, Perpunctum, Porpunctum, and Pro-
punctum, took its origin in France, being derived from the Wambeys
and Hauqueton, but probably not quite so thick and clumsy as the
former, nor quite so stiff and inflexible as the latter. The principdl
distinction however I imagine may be traced in the name, which
seems to import that it was stitched through, so as to appear on both

* A specimen of the Fourche, or military fork, is in my son’s armoury. It resembles a
halbert, except that instead of being furnished with a spear-head it has two prongs.

221

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

sides, but with the threads knotted on the exterior, or as it were em¬
broidered. Hence this expression of William Guiart, anno 1304,

Si comme de cotes faitices
De coton, a poins entaillier.

Resembling the coats manufactured

With cotton, with their stitches formed into elegant shapes.

Its facing or exterior covering was silk, but sometimes of that very
line and rich kind so highly esteemed in the middle ages, called
Cendal or Sandal, and which was purchased at a great price. Hence
Odo de Rossillon by his will, dated anno 1298, gives to the Lord
Montancelin his Porpoinctum de cendallo, “ Pourpoint of sandall.”
From these observations I am led to conjecture that the monuments
cited as affording specimens of the Hauqueton represent also the
Pourpoint as lying over the hauberk, and under the cyclas ; for in
that garment appear several poins entailliez : should however the
word entailliez be construed “ shaped out or jagged,” it may apply to
the termination of the same, which is scalloped, and on that account
resembling those of the Wambeys in the sepulchral effigy at Hitch-
■endon church.

The Pourpoint was furnished with sleeves ; for in letters remissory,
an. 1463, preserved at Paris, it is said that with a baston Icellui Je-
han persa le manteau, et la manche du Prepoint du suppliant, that
“ John pierced the cloak, and the sleeve of the Pourpoint of the sup¬
pliant and yet those garments on the sepulchral effigies I have con¬
sidered as pourpoints are without sleeves. It is probable however
that it was only when worn as armour itself that this was the case,
and under such circumstances it was almost identified with the
Wambeys.

The authorities which I have been enabled to collect, though they
do not shew that it was ever worn under the body-armour, prove that
it was used with it, as well as without. Indeed it seems to have been
distinguished from the Wambeys as worn under the armour, the den¬
sity of which made it nearly equal to an haubergeon. Thus in a

222 On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

chaitei of Philip the Pair, anno 1303, it is said, Et seront armez de
Porpoins et de Hauberjons ou deGambaison. “ And they were armed
with Pourpoints, and with Haubergeons or Gambaisons.” In Spain
it was worn with the coat of mail ; for in the Chronicle of the Kings
of Arragon, by Raimond Montanerio, c. 227, we read, Eyo ab un bon
cavall, que tenia mi ter^ de Cavaliers, armats ab Llorigues et Per-
punts, &c. “ They who hold land by knight s fee shall appear with
a good horse, armed with hauberks and Pourpoints.” So in a MS.
history Excidii Acconis, anno 1191, we meet probably with the ear¬
liest notice of it. The words are, Portantes ibidem lanceas, falcastra,
cassides et loricas, scammata et perpuncta, scuta cum clypeis, &c.

Cairying theie lances, bills, helmets and hauberks, scaled armour
and Pourpoints, shields with bucklers,” &c. But if Du Cange be right
in considering theGonjo the same as the Wambeys, we have it clearly
distinguished tiom this vestment in theRegistrum Homagiorum Nobi-
lium Aquitanise, an. 1273. Bertrandus de Podenssac domicellus dixit,
quod ipse tenet a D. Ruce Podendiarum, &c. et debet facere personal-
iter exercitum cum Gonjone et Perpuncto si sit sanus, &c. “ Bertrand
de Podenssac, housekeeper, says that he holds of my lord the Duke
ol Podentz, &c. and is compelled to take the field in person, if in
health, with a Gonjo and Pourpoint :” and again, Geraldus de la Mota
domicella, & c. debet etiam D. Regis obsequium exercitus de uno
Milite armato Perpuncto et Gonjone. “ Gerald de la Mote, house¬
keeper, &c. and owes military service to our lord the King to furnish
a knight armed with a Pourpoint and a Gonjo.”

It seems however, from the Statuta Forojulien : an. 1235, to have
been worn by the knights with the hauberk, and by the infantry as
armour of itself. Militem sine equo armato intelligimus armatum
Auspergoto et Propuncto et scuto; Peditem armatum intelligimus
armatum scuto et Propuncto seu Aspergoto. “ By a knight without
an armed horse, we understand one armed with an Haubergeon, a
P ourpoint, and a shield ; by a foot-soldier we understand one armed
with a shield, a Pourpoint, or an Habergeon.”

The name seems to have been first introduced into England in the

223

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

time of Henry Illd. for Matthew Paris, detailing the ordinances of
that king, says, Ad centum solidatas terrae unum Perpunctum, capel-
lum ferreum, gladium, &c. “ Those possessing land to the value of
100 shillings must provide a Pourpoint, a chapel de fer, a sword, &c.”
So it appears reckoned a species of armour in the Libertates Bri-
an^on, anno 1343. Omnes de dicto numero cum Porpointis, gorgeriis,
chirothecas ferreis. “ All of that said number with Pourpoints, gor¬
gets, gauntlets.”

It was likewise called Contrepointe, for it is so denominated in an
Inventory, dated an. 1296. Praeterea inveni in dictis bonis quinque
Alberions, et unum Alberc, et unam Contrepointe. “ Besides I find
in the said goods five Haubergeons, one Hauberk, and one Contre¬
pointe.”

The making of these vestments was called Ouvrages de Pour-
pointerie, and at the close of the fourteenth century there were several
Pourpointers in Paris and London. One of the latter, John Tycle, we
learn from Froissart, assisted the insurgents under Wat Tyler and
Jack Straw, in the year 1381, with sixty Pourpoints, for which he de¬
manded thirty marks ; from which we may perceive that they were
severally valued at the rate of six shillings and eight pence.

I have endeavoured as far as I was able to point out in what the
three vestments which I have described differed, but the difficulty
has been considerably increased by the cotemporary authors them¬
selves, who have not attended to the minutiae which constituted the
variety. To shew how very much these names have been used pro¬
miscuously, I have only to quote a passage from the Roman tie
Percival.

I’uis il font vestir un Gambbs
De soie et d’Auqueton porpoint,

Qu’il i ont un Auberc vestu
Si fort, &c.

Then they made him put on a Wambeys
Of silk, and a pourpointed Hauqueton
That he might be clad in a Hauberk
So strong, &c.

224 On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

THE JACK.

Jaque, Jacket, Jaquetanus, Jaquemardus, and Jacobus, was pro¬
bably of Teutonic origin, the hunter’s vest made of prepared leather
being so called in that language. It was sometimes however termed
by the French writers Jacque d’Anglois, which points to England
as the country in which it was most in fashion Nicot defines it as an
habiliment for war stuffed with cotton ; but as I am not aware he has
any authority for this, I am induced to conceive that he has con¬
founded it with the Hauqueton. According to Strutt its facing, that
is its external surface, was of leather ; but Coquillart, a French writer,
sur les Droits nouveaux, describes it as of Shamois, and extending to
the knees, and from being stuffed with flocks, and consequently
stitched, as a kind of Pourpoint.

C’etoit un Pourpoint de Chamois
Farci de boure sur et sous
Un grand vilain Jaque d’Anglois
Qui lui pendoit jusq’aux genous.

It was a Pourpoint of Shamois
Stuffed with flock, above and below,

A great villainous English Jack
Which hung down as low as his knees.

This is evidently that which is depicted in an illumination in the Har-
leian Lib. marked 4425, as worn by a Pavisor in the fifteenth century,
where it appears excessively cumbersome, with wide sleeves padded
in the same manner. Lacombe in his Dictionaire du vieux langage
Francois, gives a very good description of it. He says “ it was in the
form of a short surtout, not reaching lower than the knees ; it was
composed of many buck-skins laid upon each other, and stuffed
within with flocks and linen, which rendered it very incommodious ;
to remedy this fault they took care to have it made very large, so
that a man, as it were, floated in it. Sometimes thirty buck-skins
were used for the strongest; those who wished to have them lighter
made use of a species of taffety which was called Cendaux. Some-

225

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

times this Jack was covered with the most precious stuffs.” Pere
Daniel, in his Histoire de la Millice Fran^oise, gives a somewhat
similar description, adding, “ this was not only to prevent the lance or
sw’ord piercing it, but to prevent those contusions which the blow of
the lance or sword might occasion.”

It must have been of very tough materials, because Walsingham de¬
tailing the conduct of the rioters in the fourth year of Richard II. A. D.
1381, tells us that they plundered and burnt the palace of the Duke
of Savoy, and took vestimentum pretiosissimum ipsius quale Jacke
vocamus, &c. “ His most precious garment which we call Jack, and
stuck it on a spear as a mark to shoot at, but finding their arrows
could not damage it sufficiently, they chopped it in pieces with swords
and hatchets.”

But the materials of the Jacket seem to have varied, according as it
was intended to be worn with other armour or by itself. Hence Frois¬
sart describes that of Sir John Laurence, who was slain at the siege
of Lyxbone, in Castille, as stuffed with silk ; and the same is asserted
in the Chronicle of Bertrand du Guesclin,

Car il fut bien armez de ce qu’il luy failli,

S’ot un Jacque moult fort de bonne soie empli.

For he was well armed, with that which he wanted
If he had a Jack very strong, and filled with silk.

And this will account for Walsingham’s expression pretiosissi?num .
The same poem instructs us that it was worn above the hauberk.

S’avoit chascun un Jacque par dessus son haubert.

If each had a Jack above his Hauberk.

On an attentive consideration of these remarks, I think no one can
view the monument of Eudo de Arsic, without being convinced that
he is clad in the Jack last noticed. It is made with sleeves which fit
pretty close to the arms ; as does the vestment round the body, being
buttoned down the front, and having a puckered skirt reaching to
the knees. If this be the case, this vestment is as old as the time of
Henry Illd, and greatly resembles the Hauqueton, which was worn

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VOL. XIX.

226 On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

under the armour. The German Jacks were not made so long as
those of the English, for in the year 1399, they are thus spoken of, “ Et
voit adonc vestu un court Jaques dun drap d’or k la fa^on d’Alle-
magne. “ And then he appeared clad in a short Jack of gold in the
German fashion.”

But the cumbrous Jack was a species of armour. Hence in Lit.
remiss, an. 1374, at Paris, it is stated that Praedictus monachus mo-
nachali habitu abjecto se armavit, et indutus quodam indumento vul-
gariter Jaque nuncupato. “ The aforesaid monk, having laid aside his
monastical habit, armed himself, and put on a certain garment, vul¬
garly called a Jack.” So Walsingham, sub anno 1379, has Quod
mille loricas vel tunicas quas vulgo Jackes vocant redemerit de ma-
nibus creditorum. “ Because he will redeem from the hands of his
creditors a thousand Loricae, or tunics, which they commonly call
Jacks.”

Louis XI. King of France adopted the leathern Jacks for his
archers ; and as we learn from the Memoire containing the order,
these Jacks were proof, and in this armour soldiers were seldom killed.
The ordinance is worth transcribing at length. Memoire de ce que
le Roy veult, que le Francs- Archers de son royaume soient habillez
en Jaques d’icy en avant, et pour ce & charge au Badly de Mante en
faire un get : et semble au dit Badly de Mante que rabillement de
Jacques leur soit bien proufitable, et avantageux pour faire la guerre,
veu que sont gens de pie et que en ayant les brigandines, il leur faut
porter beaucoup de choses, que un homme seul et 4 pie ne peut faire.
Et premierement leur faut desdit Jacques de 30 todies oh de 25 a
ung cuir de cerf a tout le moins ; et si sont de 31 cuir de serf ils sont
des bons. Les todies usees et deliees moyennement sont les meil-
leurs, et doivent estre les Jacques k quatre quatiers, et faut que les
manches soient fortes, comme le corps reserve le cuir. Et doit etre
I’assiette des manches grande et que l’assiette prengne pres du collet,
non pas sur l’os de l’espaule qui soit large dessous l’aisselle, et plan-
tureux dessous le bras, asses faulce et large sur les costes bas, Le
collet fort comme le demourant du Jacques : et que le collet ne soit

On the antient Military Garments worn in England. 227

pas trop hault derriere, pour Tamour de salade. Et faut que le dit
Jacques soit lasse devant et que il ait dessous une porte piece de la
force du dit Jacques. Ainsi sera seur le dit Jacques et ais6 moien-
nant qu’il ait un Pourpoint sans manches ne colet, de deux toilles
seulement, qui n’aura que quatre doys de large sur l’espaule, au quel
Pourpoint il attachera ses chausses. Ainsi flotera dedens son Jacques,
et sera a son aise : car il ne vit onques tuer de coups de main, ne de
fleche desdans les dits Jacques ses hommes, et se y souloient les gens
bian combattre. “ Memoire in what manner the king chooses that the
Free Archers of his kingdom should be clothed in Jacks from hence¬
forth, and for which he has commissioned his Baillif of Mante to give
in a design. And it appears to the said Baillif of Mante that the vest¬
ment of Jacks would be good for them, profitable and advantageous
for the purposes of war, seeing that they are infantry, and that in
having Brigandines, they may carry many more things than a man
alone and on foot could otherwise do. And first there wants for
those Jacks 30 or 25 cloths, and a buck-skin at least, and if they
be of 30 and a buck-skin they are best. Cloths, second hand, and
undone, nevertheless are better, and the Jacques should be in four
quarters, and the sleeves should be as strong as the bodies, with the
exception of the leather ; and the make of the sleeves should be large,
and the shape should draw in near the collar, not on the back of the
shoulder, which must be wide under the armpits, and plentiful under
the arms, sufficiently loose and broad on the sides below. The collar
should be like the rest of the Jacks, and this collar must not be too
high behind for the sake of the salade. And these Jacques should
be laced before, and that there be below a port-piece of the strength
of the said Jacks. Thus these Jacks will be sure and easy, notwith¬
standing they are worn with a Pourpoint without sleeves or collar, of
two cloths only, which is only four fingers wide on the shoulder.
To this Pourpoint the chausses will be attached. Thus the wearer
will float in his Jack and be at his ease. For the Baillif has never
seen six men in the said Jacks killed by stabs, or by the piercing
of arrows, of those who were men accustomed to fight.”

2 G 2

228 On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

It may be worth remarking by the way, that this description of the
Pourpoint tends greatly to confirm my conjecture, that it is repre¬
sented in the sepulchral effigies before noticed.

The Jack seems to have been the usual habit of the archers before
the adoption of what was more strictly the Brigandine. Thus the
words of the last Count of Provence, anno 1481, are, Item Hectori
de Montebruno capitaneo gardae idem Dom: noster Rex exsolvi
ordinavit per dictum Christianissimum Dom: Regem Francorum
haeredem suum universalem xxv marcas argenti per ipsum Dom: ca-
pitaneum gardae exbursatas in faciendo fieri Jaquetonos sagittariorum,
sive Archeriorum dicti Dom: nostri Regis. “ Also to Hector de
Montbrun, captain of the guard, our said Lord the King hath ordered
to be paid by his said Christian Majesty the King of France, his uni¬
versal heir, xxv marks of silver, through the hands of the said Lord
the captain of the guard, for causing to be made Jaquetons for the
archers or bowmen of our said Lord the King.”

It was also worn by the archers in England, for in an Indenture of
Retainer of Henry YIth, it is ordered that “ all the said archers
specially to have good Jakks of defence, Salades, Swerdes and sieves
of xl arwes atte lest.” And I am told that at Melton Hall, Norfolk,
there still remains the original Jack of Sir Jacob Astley s ancestor,
who fought with the renowned Arragonese knight in Smithfield, in the
reign of that monarch.

They were sometimes termed Northern Jacks, which seems to point
to their Teutonic origin. Thus in an Inventory of Armour 1st of
Edw. VI., there occurs in the charge of Hans Hunter, armourer,
Westminster, “ Item, one Northern Jacke, covered with lynnen.

THE DOUBLET,

Though it greatly resembled the Jack, was certainly different from
it; for in the 8th Yol. of Rymer’s Fcedera, p.384, they are men¬
tioned in such a manner as to imply a distinction. Thus, “ 25 Dou-
blettes, 25 Jakkas &c.” Du Cange says it was of French origin, and

On the antient Military Garments worn in England. 229

that it >vas made of flax and cotton woven together. Whether it be
of French or English invention, it certainly received its name from
being double, that is two-fold.

It was called in the corrupt Latin of the middle ages, Dobletus
and Dublectus, by which latter word it is mentioned in the Fcederal
Constitutions of the King of Sicily, c. 107. Item quod praedicti
comites, magnates, barones, milites et uxores eorum possint habere in
aestate, guarnimentum unum de serico, sub eo farsetum, vel Duble-
tum ac Juppam. “ Also that the aforesaid earls, noblemen, barons,
knights, and their wives, may have in summer one garment of silk
stuffed within, or a Dublet and a Juppa.”

The Doublet in shape was open at the sides, for Sir John Paston
in one of his letters, in the time of Edw. IVth, sends for a Deacon’s
vestment of white damask, to convert it into an arming-doublet, white
being the field of the Paston arms. “ Item I praye you to sende
me a newe vestment off whyglit damaske flor a Dekyn, whyche is
among myn other geer. I will make an armyng Doublet off it.” The
shape of the military Doublet was, however, more correctly speaking,
that of a waistcoat with large flaps open from the hips, which fitted
close to the person, and had sleeves.

In one of the Wardrobe rolls of Edw. Hid, orders are given to
prepare for the King on occasion of a tournament, inter alia, a Dou¬
blet of linen, having round skirts, and about the sleeves a border of
long green cloth, worked witli representations of clouds, with vine
branches of gold, and this motto, dictated by his majesty : “ It is as
it is.” Silks, however, were more generally used as the outer cover¬
ing of Doublets, and hence we read in the words of Richard Ireleffe,
Clerk of the Green Cloth to Rich. lid,

Yeomen and Gromes in cloth of silk arrayed
Sattin and Damask, in Doublettes and gownes
In cloth of greene, and scarlet for unpayed.

In the reign of Edward IVth, the price charged by the tailor for
making Doublets with linings for the use of the King, according to a

230

On the aniient Military Garments worn in England.

MS. inventory, Harl. Lib. 4780, was six shillings and eight-pence
each, which further shews that silk in velvet, or some other mode of
fabrication, was preferred for the facing. “ Item a Doublet of crym-
son velvet lined with Holande cloth, and interlined with busk.”

Stubbs, who wrote at the close of the fifteenth century, describes
them as “ reaching down to the middle of the thighs, though not al¬
ways quite so low, being so hard quilted, stuffed, bombasted, and sewed,
as they can neither work nor yet well play in them. They make their
bellies appear to be thicker than all their bodies besides. They are
stuffed with four, five, or six pounds of bombast at the least, and made
of satin, taffeta, silk, grograine, chainlet, gold, silver, and what not?
slashed, jagged, cut, carved, pinched, and laced with all kind of
costly lace of divers and sundry colours.” Such Doublets may be
seen represented in the Triumph of Maximilian 1st.

In an inventory of apparel made at the latter end of the reign of
Henry VIII., MS. Harl. 1419, we meet with “ an Armyng Doublet of
crimson and yellow satin, embroidered with scallop shells, and
formed down with threads of Venice gold.”

Bulver, who wrote in 1563, calls the Doublets of his time “ long
peasecod bellied Doublets,” and thus speaks of them : “ When we
wore short-waisted Doublets, and but a little lower than our breasts,
we would maintain, by militant reason, that the waist was in it’s right
place as nature intended it; but lately as we come to wear them so
long waisted, yea, almost so long as to cover the belly, &c. the waist
as one notes is now come to the knee ; for the points, that were used
to be about the middle, are now dangling there; and more lately
the waist is descending toward the ankles.”

Doublets of this kind may be seen worn by the King's guard, in a
MS. in the Cott. Lib. in the British Museum, marked Aug. II.

In the sleeve of one of the figures are apertures through which
chain mail is perceptible, and this I conceive to be the mailed Doublet
such as is mentioned in the Paston letters in the time of Henry Vlth.
The expression there is, “ A Doublet of velvet mailed.”

On the antient Military Garments worn in England. 23 1

THE ARMILAUSA.

Armilausia, Armilcasia, or Armigaisia, as it was variously termed,
was the prototype of the Surcoat. The Emperor Maurice, in his Stra¬
tegies, calls the short military tunics which reached only to the knees,
Ap[xeXav<nu, and tells us that they were sttolvco rdiv ox7\a)v, put on over
the armour. Isidorus, Lib. 19, Orig. cap. 22, says, Armelausa vulgo
vocata, quod ante et retro divisa, atque aperta est, in armos tantum
clausa quasi armiclausa c littera ablata. “ That garment is commonly
called Armelausa which has the forepart divided from the hind part
and left open, closed only on the armour, hence it was called from the
word Armiclausa, the letter c being left out.,, It probably originated
in the Roman Empire in the east, and appears to be represented in a
Mosaic in the church of Ravenna, as worn by the soldiers of Justinian.
It there seems longer than the knees, and fastened to a pectoral of
flat-ringed armour, the opening of the right side being seen, and the
garment evidently without sleeves.

An old interpreter of Juvenal’s Satires explains Viridem thoracem,
Sat. 5, by Armilausiam prasinam, “ A green Armilausia and Pau-
linus, in his seventh Epistle, uses the term Sibi ergo ille habeat Armi¬
lausiam suam, et suas caligas et suas buccas. “ He may therefore have
for himself his Armilausia, his boots, and his clasps.”

The Gothic invaders of Italy adopted this habit from their van¬
quished enemies, for Anastatius informs us, that Luitprand, King of
the Goths, Quae fuerat indutus exueret, et ante corpus Apostoli
poneret Mantuum Armilaisiam, Baltheum, Spatam, atque Ensem deau-
ratum. “ Took oft’ the clothes which he had put on, and placed before
the body of the Apostle his Armilaisian cloak, his belt, dagger, and
sword, ornamented with gold.”

It had also reached England at an early period, for in a deed of
King Ethelbert, preserved in the Monasticon Anglicanum, he says,
Missurum etiam argenteum, Scapton aureum item sellam cum freno
aureo, et gemmis exornatam, speculum argenteum, armilaisia oloserica,
camisianus ornatam prsedicto Monasterio gratanter obtuli. “ I will-

232

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

lingly give my silver dish, my golden vessel, also my saddle, with a
gold bit and bridle ornamented with jewels, a silver mirror, an Armi-
laisia wholly made of silk, and an embroidered tunic, to the afore¬
said monastery.”

THE SURCOAT.

The Armilausa seems to have been disused during some length of
time before the Surcoat was adopted, for none of the great seals of
the English monarchs, down to the second one of Richard 1st inclu¬
sive, represent their figures thus habited. The seal of John, which he
used before his elevation to the throne, and in all probability during his
brother’s expedition to the Holy Land, is the first which exhibits the
equestrian figure adorned with that vestment. This fact would induce
us to suppose that the custom originated with the Crusaders, both
for the purpose of distinguishing the many different nations serving-
under the banners of the Cross, and to throw a veil over the iron
armour, so apt to heat excessively when exposed to the direct rays
of the sun.

It seems to have differed from the Armilausa in length, generally
reaching half way down the legs, and in being closed on the side by
a lace. It was likewise, generally speaking, without sleeves. That
of Philip de Valois, however, in Montfaucon’s Monarchic Frangoise,
has short wide ones.

They were at first without any distinguishing mark, either of one
colour simply or variegated. Indeed in an illuminated MS. in the
Brit. Mus. Royal Lib. 20. D. I. written about the year 1250, the
knights appear with their arms emblazoned on their shields and the
caparisons of their horses, while their Surcoats are quite plain.
This seems to shew that the fashion of emblazoned Surcoats was not
generally prevalent in the time of Hen. III. A Surcoat of this kind
it is which is spoken of in the Statuta Conradi, Archiep: Coloniensis,
c. 5, where it states Statuimus inhibendo ne aliquis Monachorum Sur-
cotiis, &c. utantur. “We decree that no one of the Monks shall be per¬
mitted to use Surcoats, &c.” And in the Annales Colmarienses, under

233

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

the year 1298, where the words are, Fecerat hoc anno ante festum
S. Michaelis, Milites, quos omnes vestivit ad minus triplici vesti-

mento, scilicet Tunica pretiosa, Surgotum . nobili vario, Su-

chomam cum vario pretioso. “ He created this year before the feast
of St. Michael, Knights, all of whom he clad in threefold attire at
least, that is to say, with a costly Tunic, a variegated and noble Sur-
coat, a suchorn with various precious ornaments.” There are, how¬
ever, a few instances on record of Surcoats bearing distinctive marks
at a much earlier period ; one of these I met with in an old pedigree.
However, as its authority might be questionable, I shall pass it by,
and merely notice one other. When Magnus Berfetta, or Barefeet,
the son of Olaf-Kyrre, who succeeded his father in the Norwegian
throne, A. D. 1093, invaded Ireland, he was thus attired according to
the Edda of Snorre Sturleson. “ He put on his helmet, braced his
red shield, on which was a golden lion, and took his favourite sword,
called Leg-biter, and his battle-axe, and threw over his coat of mail
his red silk vest, on which appeared a yellow lion, that the King
might be conspicuous.”

But Surcoats, with armorial bearings, were not common in the thir¬
teenth century, for Lord De Joinville tells us, that “ when he was
conversing with Philip the Fair, on the pomp and expense of dress,
and on the embroidered coats of arms, which are now in fashion with
the army,” he observed, that “ during the whole time he was beyond
sea in the army with St. Louis, he never once saw an embroidered coat
or saddle, either belonging to the King or any one else.”

The emblazoned Surcoat, however, became afterwards very service¬
able to the Knights ; when they neglected to put it on, the conse¬
quences were sometimes serious. Thus Moor relates, p. 594, that in
the battle of Bannockbourne, the Earl of Gloucester would not have
been killed, but that he went into the field without his Toga propriae
armaturae, “ emblazoned Surcoat,” and therefore was not recognised
A very early specimen of the Cote-armure, charged with armorial
bearings, occurs in an illumination in the British Museum, Royal

VOL. XIX.

8 h

234 On the ant lent Military Garments worn in England.

Lib. marked 2. A. xxii. certainly not later than the commencement
of the reign of Edw. 1st.

The Sicilian Knights seem to have been forbidden to wear their
Surcoats on common occasions, for in the constitutions of Frederick,
King of Sicily, c.96, it is enacted, Volumus insuper quod liceat eisdem
militibus habere ultra praedicta tria guarnimenta Syrcotum unum sine
manicis cum quo comedant et morentur in domibus, quamdiu ibi ste-
terint : sed eo extra domos aliquatenus non utantur, sub poena
amissionis ejusdem Syrcoti. “ We will, moreover, that it be lawful
for the same Knights to have, besides the three garments aforesaid,
one Surcoat without sleeves, in which they may take their meals, arid
abide in their dwellings as long as they remain at home ; but they
shall not use the same when any where from home, on pain of forfeit¬
ing the same Surcoat.”

The exterior surface of the Surcoat was of silk, but it had a lining
of stouter materials.

THE CYCLAS.

Ciclaton, Sigleton, Singlaton, or Chigaton, appears to be that gar¬
ment which immediately succeeded the Surcoat. The Monachus
Pegavensis sub: an: 1096, thus describes it, Cycladem auro textam
instar Dalmaticte et pretiosissimi operis quam sub mantello ferebat
etiam auro texto induto. “ He wore a Cyclas woven with gold, in
form resembling a Dalmatic, and of most expensive workmanship,
which he had put on under his mantle, also woven with gold.” From
this we learn that it was not any kind of cloak, but a garment resem¬
bling a Dalmatic. It seems indeed to have been borrowed from the
Greeks, by whom it was called from its fitting close round the

body, the Surcoat differing from it in being roomy. Guil: le Breton
gives it a Greek origin, but I cannot go the length with him to suppose
it derived its name from the Cyclades, to the inhabitants of which
islos he attributes the invention. He describes it in his Phillip8 as of

Stamina Phoenician serum, Cycladumque labores.

Phoenician silk (Tiretain) in fabric, and the manufacture of the Cyclades.

235

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

Matthew Paris, in the year 1236, tells us, the citizens of London
were Sericis vestimentis ornati, Cyclaclibus auro textis circumdati,
** Adorned with silken garments, and enveloped with Cyclades woven
with gold.” Probably at this time, on the marriage of King Henry llld
with Eleanor, daughter of Raymond, Count of Provence, it had not
become a military garment ; but the Chronicle of Bertrand Du Guesclin,
composed about the time of Richard lid, and referring to events in
the preceding reign, speaks of a warrior who rode out before the
army by way of challenge, thus —

Hanry ot a nom,

Qui devant sa bataille venoit sur un Gasson,

Armez de Haubregon, couvert d’un Singlaton,

C’estoit Hanris arm&s h loy de champion.

Hanry was his name.

Who before the line to which he belonged advanced on a Gascon
Horse, armed with an Haubergeon covered with a Singlaton,

Thus was Hanry armed in the legal manner of a champion.

I doubt not but that the military vest on the monuments of the time
of Edward the lid, such as those of John of Eltham, Sir John D'Au-
bernoun, & c. is the Cyclas. If so, it was as long behind as the Sur-
coat, but open at the sides, and reaching in front only half way of the
thighs, the body fitting quite close, and being without sleeves.

We have seen that its texture was silk, and when not emblazoned,
its colour was generally vermilion. Thus the Roman de Garin
MS. has

Et par desure un vermeil Ciglaton.

And above a vermilion Ciglaton.

And the MS. Roman de Roncevaux,

Hascons couvert d’un vermeil Syglaton.

Each covered by a vermilion Syglaton.

They were afterwards plaided ; hence in the Roman de Garm we read,

Emprunte pailles et Ciglatons plains.

Borrowed cloaks and plaided Ciglatons.

2 H 2

236

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

But it ultimately became so richly ornamented as to give name to
a species of cloth of gold : thus in the 3d Vol. of the Monasticon
Angl. p. 316, we find that the Capa Joannis Maunself, “ Hood of
John Maunsell, was made” de panno aureo, qui vocatur Ciclatoun,
“ of cloth of gold called Ciclatoun.”

THE GUIPON,

Called likewise Gyppon and Jupas by the English, Jupon and
Juppel by the French, Giupone by the Italians, and Aljuba by the
Spaniards, was of Arabic origin ; and derived from the word Guibba,
which signified the Moorish Thorax.

Almost all the authorities seem to shew that this was an exterior
garment; yet we read in Lit. remiss: anno 1380, of a Juppon de bou-
gran, “ Juppon of buckram;” and Chaucer, in his Canterbury Tales,
exhibits the knight as not having time to change his clothes since his
journey, and that he therefore wore a Gyppon of fustian, which had
become dirty from the use of his Haubergeon.

Of fustion he wered a Gyppon
A1 besmotied with his Haubergion.

And in a MS. entitled Miracula Urbani Vli P. P. Erat armatus de
Jupone, de tunica ferrea et Jacque de veluto cum bacineto legato et
stachato ut moris est, baceriis et gantelletis, ense et cultello cinctus,
in pondere praedictorum arnesium 150 libras. “ He was armed in a
Jupon, a shirt of mail, and Jack of velvet, with a basinet fastened
with cords and links, according to the fashion of the day, with arm-
plates called braces, and gauntlets, with a girdle, from which was
suspended a sword and dagger, the weight of the aforesaid arms
being 150 pounds.”

These authorities would lead us to regard the Guipon as an under
vest, and probably one of a similar form of buckram or fustian may
have been worn under the Haubergeon, but the Guipon, properly so
called, was a kind of Sure oat, and of silk.or velvet. Hence Juppam
de Serico, “ a Jupas of silk,” inline constitutions of Frederick, King of

On the antient Military Garments worn in E?igland. 237

Sicily; and the antient order of Pope Alexander IVth, who, having
assigned to the Knights Hospitalers black Snrcoats, that they might
be distinguished from other brethren of the same order, adds, In
bellis autem sive in praeliis utantur Jupellis, et aliis superinsigniis mi-
litaribus, quae sint coloris rubei in quibus etiam Crux albi coloris sit
in eorundem vexilli modum assuta, &c. “ But in war time or in

battle they may use Juppels and other upper military insignia, (or dis¬
tinguishing garments), which be of a red colour with a white cross, in
the same manner as their standards are made.” Hence also the
Monks by the Reformatio Mellicensis, non utantur camisia linea, sed
lanea tantum, nec Bambasio vel Joppa, &c. “ May not wear linen

shirts, but only such as are made of wool, nor garments any way re¬
sembling the Wambeys or the Juppas.”

In the Annales Genuenses apud Muratori, we read, Et statim Consul
Pisanus cum Bucio ascendit galeam, et posuit in capite elmum, et
Juppum in dorso. “ And immediately the Pisan Consul ascended the
galley with Bucius, and put his helmet on his head, and his Juppon
on his back.” And in another place, In qu4 ultra cccliii guarnimenta
ferri, ultra Juppones, helmos, clypeos, et alia arma, multa cepenmt.
“ In which ship they took many things besides 353 garments of mail,
besides Juppons, helmets, shields, and other arms.”

As it was copied from the Moorish Thorax, it could not have
reached much below the hips; I therefore take the Guipon to be the
small Surcoat introduced in the time of Edward Illd. This super¬
seded the Cyclas which had been adopted in lieu of the Surcoat, and
continued in use, with partial intermissions, to the death of Henry Vth.
From that time the warlike genius of the English was on the declinO,
and the expeditions of the house of Anjou to Naples, brought into
use the fantastic fashions of Lombardy.

The Guipon, however, which appears so suitable for warriors, seems
to have been revived for a short time during the wars of Edward IVth,
as the monument of J.Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, that ascribed to
Lord Wenlock, at Tewkesbury, and that of one of the Vernons, in
Bakewell Church, Derbyshire, indicate.

23 8

On the antient Military Garments worn in England .

I had almost forgotten to mention, though it might have been dis¬
cerned from the regulations of Pope Alexr IVth, for the Knights Hos¬
pitallers before noticed, that the Guipon was generally emblazoned.

THE TABARD.

This was a species of mantle which covered the front and back of
the body, hung loosely, though stiff, and was open at the sides, gene¬
rally from the armpits downwards. It reached a little lower than the
loins, and had open sleeves which hung down to the elbows.

From the time of its first introduction it was used by the military,
being found so convenient on horseback, and it was emblazoned with
armorial bearings. Henry de Knyghton, sub an: 1295, says, Dede-
rantque signum inter se, ut sic suos mutuo cognoscerunt in congressu
cum Anglicis, ut Scotus dixeret, Anglice Tabart, alter responderet
Surcote et e converso. “ And they appointed a sign among them¬
selves, that by that means they might mutually know their own adhe¬
rents in the congress with the English, as a Scot should say, in
English Tabard, another would answer Surcoat, and vice versa.

The clergy were anxious to wear Tabards, but that was not per¬
mitted, unless they were made long enough to reach to the feet. Long
Tabards were however assumed by the nobility on state occasions,
and such we see worn by Richard lid, while a boy, depicted in a
Psalter which formerly belonged to that monarch, in the Cotton Lib:
at the Brit: Mus: marked Dom. A. XVII. But these were not usual,
for the Latin name of the Tabards was Renones. Hence in a Latin

A _

and French Glossary written in the year 1348, this word is thus ex¬
plained: Renones a renibus dicuntur, Gallice Tabart, quia usque ad
renes contingunt. “ Renones were so called from the reins, in French
Tabart, because they reached as low as the reins. ’’ The longer ones
indeed were peculiar to the English, and called Midlags, because
they extended as low as the middle of the legs.

The amplitude of the Tabard occasioned it to conceal the dagger,
though the length of the sword-hilts made them protrude beyond it.

239

On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

Hence in Litt: remiss: anno 1445, we are told, Icellui Nicaise tira son
eoustel hors de sa gaigne, qu’il avoit mis dessous son Tribart,” &c.
“ That same Nicaise drew his dagger out of its scabbard, which he
had put under his Tabard.”

The Tabard continued in use till the time of Henry VUIth, and is
still the state dress appropriated to the Officers of the College of
Arms.

THE COINTISSE.

This word appears to have implied “ Elegance,” and in a MS. en¬
titled Le Livre des Moralitez, it is even put among the virtues ; thus
Honeste est departie en 4 choses, en Cointisse, en forche, en droiture
en atempranche. Cointisse est un vertue qui fait connoistre les bonnes
choses des mauvaises, et enseigne k departir les unes des autres.
“ Honesty is divided into four things, Cointisse (Penetration), acknow¬
ledgment, rectitude, and temperance. Cointisse is a virtue which
enables us to discern good things from bad, and a mark by which we
may separate the one from the other.” Hence also the verb Cointiser,
which signifies to adjust ones clothes, or prepare oneself in the man¬
ner of a fop or coquette. The kind of dress to which it gave name
was a scarf. It was however in a military point of view applied
to the ornamental streamers which adorned the helmets of the
knights ; which indeed were originally their ladies’ scarfs ; as well as
to that elegant vestment which passed round the body and over the
shoulder.

An illuminated MS. in the Bodleian library, marked 86, Arch B.
written about the time of Henry IHd, exhibits a warrior wearing the
Cointisse; and William Guiart, sub an: 1105, says,

Cil escuier ot le jour mise
Sur ses armes une cointise.

That Esquire had on that day put
Over his arms a Cointisse.

And this he tells us was red, powdered with mullets of silver; and in
another passage, sub an: 1304, he speaks of Cointisses of silk orna-

240 On the antient Military Garments worn in England.

mented with tissue. Matthew Paris, sub: an: 1252, tells us that the
Cointisse was high in estimation in England. Mille enim milites et
amplius vestiti serico, ut vulgariter vocamur Cointises, in nuptiis ex
parte Regis apparuerunt. “ For there were upwards of a thousand
Knights cloathed in silk vestments, which we call in common language
Cointises, who appeared on occasion of the king’s nuptials.” The
author deplores this extravagance as being but too general, and this
seems to be the case, as it is represented in several illuminations of
the time of Richard JId, particularly in one in the Royal Lib: in Brit:
Mus: marked 16. G. VI.

THE BIRRUS.

This was the common large wrapping cloak of the military, and
appears on a knight sitting in a chair, carved in stone, being one of
the figures in the west front of Exeter Cathedral. It was made of
coarse woollen cloth, and intended solely as a defence against the
inclemency of the weather.

From the Roman de la Rose we learn, “ that red or grey,” rouge
on grisatre, were its general colours, but that it was sometimes of a
russet hue. With these woollen cloaks, which were worn so early as
the time of Richard 1st, and probably long before, though the figure
at Exeter Cathedral is as late as Edward IInd, the military sometimes
wiped their weapons. Thus Yinesauf, speaking of Richard’s army,
Lib. III. c. 35, describes the preparations preceding the battle in
these words : Tractantur galeae mapulis ne forte pallescant, humore
lambente fulgorum gladium Birris exterguntur mucrones. ne qu& hu-
mectatione claritudini inimica corrumpantur. “ They rubbed their
helmets with cloths lest they might have become tarnished ; the damp
having dimmed the brightness of their swords, they wiped the blades
with their Birri, in order that the moisture, so inimical, might not
spoil their brightness.”

I have troubled you with a long letter, but which I hope contains
some interest. I trust you will believe me,

Yours very truly,

SAM. R. MEYRICK.

241

XXVII. Observations , tending to show, that the following Document ,
which was published by Selden , in his “ Titles of Honour f is
Supposititious. By George Chalmers, Esq. F. R. S.
andS.A. Communicated in a Letter to Henry Ellis, Esq.
F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 24th June, 1819.

I propose to show, that the following document, which was pub¬
lished by Selden, in his Titles of Honour , the second Edition, p. 846,
from a MS. on parchment, in a hand of the time, is supposititious.
Truth can only be established on the ruins of falsehood. This docu¬
ment has been introduced into Parliamentary Proceedings ; it has
been cited in our Peerages ; it has been quoted by intelligent Anti¬
quaries : and after it has deluded the legal, and antiquarian world, for
so many years, the time is come, when its pretensions to genuineness
may be examined, and its spuriousness exposed. Here it is :

“Willielmus Rex Scotorum universis Episcopis, Comitibus, Abba-
“ tibus, Prioribus, Baronibus, Militibus, Thanis, & Praepositis, & om-
“ nibus alijs probis hominibus totius terrae suae tarn clericis quam
“ laicis, Salutem aeternam in Domino ; Sciatis praesentes & futuri
“ Morgundum filium Gillocheri quondam Comitis de Marre in mea
“ praesentia venisse apud Hindhop Burnemuthe, in mea noua foresta,
“ decimo kalendarum Junij, Anno Gratiae MCLXXI, petendo ius
“ suum de toto Comitatu de Marre, coram communi Consilio & exer-
“ citu Regni Scotiae ibidem congregato. Ego vero cupiens eidem
“ Morgundo & omnibus alijs iura facere, secundum petitionem suam,
“ ius suum inquisiui per multos viros fide dignos, videlicet per baro-
“ nias & thanos Regni mei; per quam inquisitionem inueni dictum
“ Morgundum filium et haeredem legitimum dicti Gillocheri Comitis
“ de Marre, per quod concessi & reddidi eidem Morgundo totum
VOL. xix. 2 i

242

Observations upon the Spuriousness

“ Comitatum de Marre, tanquam ius suum haereditarium sicut prae-
“ dictus Gillocherus pater suus obijt vestitus & saisitus; tenendum
“ & habendum eidem Morgundo & haeredibus suis de me & haeredibus
“ meis in feodo & haereditate cum omnibus pertinentijs, libertatibus,
“ & recti tudinibus suis adeo liber£, quiets, plenari&, & honorifice, sicut
“ aliquis Comes in Regno Scotiae, liberifis, quietifis, plenarihs, & ho-
“ norificentifis, tenet vel possidet; faciendo inde ipse & haeredes sui
“ mihi & haeredibus meis forinsecum servicium, videlicet Seruicium
“ Scoticanum sicut antecessores sui mihi & antecessoribus meis facere
“ consueuerunt. Eodem vero die & loco post homagium suum mihi
“ factum coram communi Consilio Regni mei, praedictus Morgundus
“ petijt sibi ius fieri de toto Comitatu Morauiae de quo praedictus Gil-
“ locherus pater suus obijt vestitus & saisitus, super qua petitione sua
“ per quamplures viros fide dignos, Barones, Milites, & Thanos Regni
“ mei inquisitionem facere feci, & per illam inquisitionem inueni dic-
“ turn Morgundum verum et legitimum haeredem de Comitatu Mo-
“ rauiae, & quod eodem tempore propter guerram inter me & Anglicos
“ grauiter fuissem occupatus, & Morauienses, pro voluntate mea, non
“ potuissem iustificare, dicto Morgundo nullum ius facere potui. Sed
“ cum guerram inter me & adversaries meos complere & rebelles Mo-
“ rauienses superare potero, & dicto Morgundo sibi & haeredibus suis
“ promitto, pro me & haeredibus meis, fideliter & plenarie ius facere de
u toto Comitatu Morauiae. Et vt hoc factum meum alijs certificaretur
“ praedicto Morgundo has literas meas dedi Patentis. Teste me ipso
“ eodem anno die & loco supradicto.”

I shall state my objections to it under distinct, and several heads :

First Objection ,

“ Willielmus Rex Sco^orum,” not Sco^orum, with a double (tt).
All genuine Charters of that age, and the prior times, says Ruddiman,
use the double (tt) in Scottorum: all the inscriptions on the great
Seals of the Scotish Kings have Rex Scottorum, not Sco£orum, long
after the accession of the Steuart family. The learned Ruddiman, in

of Sdderis Document.

343

his Introduction to Anderson’s Diplomata, lays down this expressly.
The Seal of the Pretender, Edward Baliol, which was, probably,
made in France, forms the only exception to this general rule. But,
all the legends of the great Seals of the Scoto-Saxon period ; of the
Bruces; of the Steuarts; have the double (tt) in Sco^orum. Thus,
then, it fails, in legitimate accuracy.

Second Objection.

The old formula, in the Address of the Charters, was, to Bishops,
Abbots, Earls, and Barons. This document is addressed, “ Universis
“ Episcopis, Comitibus, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Baronibus, Militibus,
“ Thanis, & Prcepositis , &c.” In the progress of refinement, indeed, the
Scotish Parliament, which was assembled, by Edward I, at Brigham,
in March 1289-90, and which sat, certainly in one Chamber, were thus
arranged : Bishops, Earls, Abbots, Priors, Barons ; but without any
other ranks. [Rym. Feed. II. 471.] Into this supposititious formula,
indeed, are introduced, after the Barons, “ Militibus, Thanis, & Proe-
positis.’ This minuteness, as well as the lowness of the degrees,
form a strong objection. In a Charter of William [Diplomata Scotiae,
No. XXIX.] when the same King wished to be minute, he addressed
himself, “ Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciarijs,
Vice-comitibus, Praepositis, Ministris, & omnibus probis hominibus
totius terrae.” In the many Charters of William, which I have read,
I have, seldom, or never, seen Thanis introduced. The thing , and the
name , were altogether Saxon ; as we may learn from Spelman : if so,
they could not have existed, in Celtic Scotland. Thanes, then, could
not have existed, in Scotland, till after the commencement of the 12th
century. A Thane , says Spelman, was not, properly, a title of dig¬
nity, but of Service ; so called, in the Saxon, of thenian , Service, and
in Latin, Minister a ministrando. In the Scotish Charters, the Thanes
never appear, but in the character of Service , as mere bailiffs, or land-
stewards ; as we may see in Caledonia, vol. I. p. 717. The Scotish his¬
torians, indeed, Boece and Buchanan, who wrote, without enquiry,
invest the Thanes with high dignities ; as Governors of Provinces,

2 i 2

244 Observations upon the Spuriousness

principal Ministers of Justice, Sheriffs, &c. The introduction, there¬
fore, of Thanes into this document is a strong objection to its genuine¬
ness, whatever Selden might think.

Third Objection .

It recites, that Morgundus, the son of Gillocher, quondam Earl of
Mar, came to my presence, at Hindehope burnemuthe, in my new
forest. (1.) The origin of the Earldom of Marr is said to be lost in
its antiquity. It is supposed to have existed before our records, and
before the aera of genuine history, saith Lord Hailes, in his Additional
Sutherland Case. This learned disquisitor appears thus not to have
known, that the epoch of Earldoms, and the epoch of genuine his¬
tory, and of records, are the same. Celtic Scotland knew nothing of
Earldoms. It was divided into districts, or departments, which were
governed by Maormors , or great men, upon Celtic principles. When
a Scoto-Saxon government was introduced, with the sons of Mal¬
colm III., and Edgar assumed the sceptre, in 1097, A. D., then
were introduced Charters, and history : and at the same epoch, in
such Charters, the old Maormors were called Comites: the district of
the Maormor was called Comitatus , and this, when translated into
Scoto-English, became Earldom. We thus see, then, a change of
names , but little more. In the Charter of Alexander I. to the Abbey
of Scone, in 1115, A.D., we first see, distinctly, half a dozen Comites ,
as witnesses to the grant : and Gartnach , Comes , in that Charter, is
supposed to be the Earl of Marr. But, another half century elapsed
before the Earls were known, by their Titles , or the appellations of
their Earldoms. (2.) Yes ; in a Charter of Malcolm IY, who demised
in 1165 ; and thereby transferred his Kingdom to his brother William,
who is the King, whose Letters Patentes this document is said to be,
there is one Gillocher , who is a witness to Malcolm’s grant ; but we
must still suppose , that he was Gillocher, quondam Earl of Mar.
Crawfurd, the first Peerage Writer of Scotland, considered the said
Gartnach as the first Earl of Mar ; Douglas, the second Peerage
Writer of Scotland, considered Gartnach as the second Earl, and

245

of Selderis Document .

one Mortach, thane of Mar, as created Earl, by Malcolm III. ;
that is, a Celtic King introduced a Saxon Earl, while the whole polity
of Scotland was Celtic. When men undertake to make Peerages,
who do not understand the meaning of the very words, which they
use, we must expect some juridical nonsense. Douglas now makes
Gartnach, the father of Morgund, or Morgan, who was a witness to
the Charter of David I, to Dumfermlin, for which the Chartulary is
quoted. He left two sons, says Douglas, Gillocher, or Gilchrist, and
Congal. Gilchrist, or Gillocher, is said to be the fourth Earl of Mar,
and witnessed a Charter of Malcolm IV. ; and Gillocher is supposed
to have died, in the beginning of the subsequent reign. This Gillocher
is the person, who in 1171, was called quondam Earl. He was suc¬
ceeded by Morgund, who complained to the King, in 1171 ; as we
learn from that supposititious document ; who may be considered as a
real person, as Earl of Marr : but, why he claimed justice, and right,
from the King, when no one disputed his title, does not appear, from
this document. That Gillocher died seized of the Earldom, and that
Morgund was his son, and heir, was found, by an inquest of barons
and thanes, though such an inquest, so composed, does not appear, in
any genuine Charter. But, let us appeal, from such idle statements,
to real Charters. Earl Morgund witnessed a Charter of David I,
to the Abbot of Dumfermlin, between the years 1147 and 1152,
which mentions Earl Henry, the son of David, who died in 1152.
[MS. Monast. Scotiae, 106.] Earl Morgund witnessed a Charter of
Malcolm IV, to the same Monastery, between the years 1153, and
1160, [lb. 108; and Chart. Dumfermlin, fol. 11.] These Charters,
then, evince, that Morgund, was Earl of Mar, during the reigns of
D^vid I, who demised, in 1153, and of Malcolm IV, who died, in
1165. Morgund Earl of Mar, granted the Church of Tarland, in Mar,
to the Canons of St. Andrews. [Chart. St. Andrews, fol. cxiii].
Morgund Earl of Mar, granted to the same Canons the Church of
Mogvie, in Mar. [Ib. cxiin.] There remains a Charter of Agnes,
Comitissa de Mar, the wife of Morgund, granting to the same Canons
the same Church of Mogvie, which is witnessed, by Ada, Comitissa,

246

Observation s upon the Spuriousness

the King’s mother, who died, in 1178. [Chart, in the Advocate’s Li¬
brary ; and Chron. of Metros.] There is a Charter of King William,
the son of Ada; confirming to the same Canons the Church of Tar-
land, which had been granted to them, by Earl Morgund. [Chart, of
St. Andrews, fol. 102.] We thus see, then, Morgund, Earl of Mar,
not only living under David I, and Malcolm IV, but also under Wil¬
liam, who succeeded Malcolm, in 1165, A. D. We may, therefore,
infer from those Charter notices, that Douglas was, certainly, mis¬
taken, in saying that Gilchrist, or Gillocher, the Earl of Mar, and
father of Morgund, witnessed a Charter of Malcolm IV ; and that
Gillocher died, in the beginning of the reign of William: All this is,
delusively, stated, in contradiction to the several Charters, which have
been already quoted, to prove, that Morgund, Earl of Mar, lived
under these successive Kings, David I, Malcolm IV, and William.
Morgan, and Agnes, his wife, were probably alive, in 1171; and dying
soon after, left four sons; Gilchrist, Gartney, Duncan, and James:
Duncan left a Charter, some time after the demise of William, in 1214,
wherein he recognizes Morgund, and Agnes, as his father, and mother.

Now, those genuine Charters falsify the statement of the supposi¬
titious document, in Selden, when he speaks of Morgund claiming
the Earldom of Mar, as heir of Gillocher, who never existed, but in
the fictitious pages of the Peerage Writers.

Fourth Objection.

The minuteness of the date, namely, “ decimo kalendarum Junij
Anno Gratiae MCLXXI ;” which is so contrary to the practice of
those times, forms a considerable objection. The Charters of Wil¬
liam, as his reign was long, are very numerous ; yet, are they generally
executed at some place, without a date. Two or three of his Charters
mention the year of the Incarnation, a few of them the year of his
reign. [Caledonia I, p. 755-6]. But, the year of Grace, which first
began on the Continent, in 1132, never occurs, during the reign of
William, as far as I have observed. [Id. Nouveau Traits de Diplo¬
matique, Tom. VI. p. 74]. The tenth Kalends of June, that is, the

of Selderis Document.

24 7

23d of May, 1171, was Sunday , which adds to the improbability of
such a date ; as well as the unlikelihood of the whole document to
truth. The year of Grace w as a very frequent formula with Hoveden,
at a somewhat later period.

Fifth Objection .

In this Document, the reserved Services are in this unusual manner :
“ Faciendo inde hae redibus meis forinsecum servicium, videlicet, Ser¬
vicium Scoticanum , &c.” This form may be considered under two
heads: 1st, Forinsecum Servicium: 2dly, Servicium Scoticanum : The
first may be regarded as the payment of aids, Scutage, or other
extrinsic or extraordinary burdens of Military Service ; in contra¬
distinction, to intrinsecum Servicium , which was the common, and
ordinary Services and duties within the Lord s Courts, and local
liberties : But, 3dly, the Servicium Scoticanum is not so easily ascer¬
tained. Servicium Scoticanum is, certainly, a Service frequently men¬
tioned in the records of Scotland ; and the question is, what does it
mean, as Skene, the great expounder of hard words , is silent : Scot,
Scotta, Scottus, signified, says Spelman, pecunia, census, pars , sym-
bolum. Scot , a part, or portion, according to Rastal, is a certain
custom, or common tallage : hence, scottare , to pay Scot, or cus¬
tomary dues : and hence, also, in a Charter of Henry I, to the Abbey
of St. Edmund, in Suffolk : “ Et prohibeo ut Homines Sancti Edmundi
& terra suae non aliter scottent quantum temporis fecerint So scot¬
tare, to tax, gave rise to Scottican, Scott icanum, a tax, or tallage ; as
Scutage is translated into Scutagium. Hence, Servicium Scotticanum,
signifies a service in tallage, not a personal service ; amounting in
sense, to the Scutagium , or Escuage of the English law, and history.
It should seem, then, from the authority of that document, that the
forinsecum Servicium, and the Servicium Scoticanum, are synonimous,
in terms, though they be different in their meaning. Forinsecus, in
the English Law, means outward, or on the outside: [ Excepte uno
Selione forinseco illius croftce versus austrum ad faciendum quondam

248 Observations upon the Spuriousness

viam.] The outward ridge, or furrow, to be left, for a path, or com¬
mon way. [Kennet’s Glossary to his Par. Antiquities.] Forinsecum
Manerium, the Manor without the town : so, the forinsecum servitium ,
the payment of aid, Scutage, and other extraordinary burdens of Mi¬
litary Service ; opposed to intrinsecum servitium, which was the com¬
mon, and ordinary duties, within the Lord’s Court, and local liber¬
ties. [Kennet’s Glossary.] Yes, saith Skene, Servitium forinsecum ,
signifies “ Sik Service, as the Vassal, or tenant suld do to his over-
lord or maister, fra haime, or in time of warfare. We may see, in¬
deed, in the Great Seal Register of Robert Ist’s reign, the forinsecum
servitium, not unfrequently reserved : But, in the Charter to Henry
de Anandia, [lb. 17,] we see both those services reserved in the same
Charter ; faciendo inde nob. & hered. nostris forinsecum servicum nos¬
trum quintum p~tinet ad dimid. partem Servicij unius Militis — et Sco-
ticum Servicium nostrum, pro omni alio Servicio, &c. We herein see,
that the two Services were quite different; while, in the supposititious
document, they are one, and the same; as the videlicet supposes. It
is probable, indeed, that the Scribes, in the Chancery of Scotland,
may not have been very well acquainted with the origin, and the
meaning of the Scoticum Servitium ; or the Scoticanum Servitium :
and may have even supposed, that the Scoticum Servitium may have,
merely, meant the Scotish Service. But, in the jurisprudence of Scot¬
land, there were no services, or tenures, distinct, from those of Eng¬
land. We are not enquiring about the old Customs of Celtic Scotland,
before the feudal, or municipal law of Scotland, was there introduced,
in the twelfth century. We may see, indeed, in Simeon of Durham,
when he is speaking of William, the Conqueror’s, treatment of the
English : “ Et omnem injustum scottum interdixit, & concessit om-
“ nibus Silvas suas & venationem.” [X. Script. *215.] It is pretty
plain, that Simeon’s scottum is, merely, the Saxon scot, with a Latin
termination. And scot, as we have seen above, by a slight deviation,
from the original meaning, signified a tax, or tallage: and hence
Scotagium, otherwise Scutagium, is Servitium a Scuto dictum ; whence

of Selderis Document.

24 9

according to others, Scutagium is from the French escu , Scutum,
Escuagium ; and hence the vulgar escuage. See Somner’s Glossary
to the X. Scriptores, under Scot, Scottum , Scotagium, Scutagium.

Sixth Objection.

Morgund, moreover, claimed to be put in possession of the Commi-
tatus Moravie , of which, said he, his father Gillocher died seized.
The early Annals of Moray are covered with a vast cloud of ever-
during darkness. The Lady Gruoch, the grand-daughter of Ken¬
neth IV, King of Scots, for her first husband, had Gilcomgain, the
Maormor of Moray, a person of the first consecpience, next to the
royal family, by whom she had a son, Lulah. Gilcomgain was burnt,
with fifty of his adherents, within his castle. The Lady Gruoch had,
for her second husband, the far-famed Macbeth, the Maormor of Ross,
who, after his marriage with the Lady Gruoch, became, during the
infancy of Lulach, the Maormor of Moray. After the death of Mac¬
beth, with Lady Macbeth, and the demise of Lulach, under the sword
of Malcolm III, in 1057, Moray, according to the Scoto-Irish customs,
came to the people of Moray, the Moravienses, and not to the King.
Lulach left a daughter, who, by whatever husband, had a son, Angus,
who, in right of his mother, and grandfather, attempting to regain his
right to Moray, was slain, in the attempt, during the year 1130. In
this year, says Lord Hailes, in his Annals, p. 66-7, Angus, Earl of
Moray, was slain at Strickathrew : and he quotes the Chronicle of
Melros, and the Chronicle of Sta Crucis. Nothing is known of the
causes, and circumstances of this event, adds the Annalist; but,
Robert de Monte, in his Appendix to Sigibert, asserts the same fact :
Occiso Aragois [Anegus, Angus] Comite Morafiae [Moravian], Rex
Scotiae, David, ex tunc habuit ilium Comitatum. [Guiberti Ab-
batis Opera, D’Acherii, 755.] The same work goes on to quote
from the MS. of Gemeticensis the same passage, which Lord Hailes
disbelieved in Ordericus Yitalis. The Annals of Ulster, edit. John¬
ston, clear away much of the obscurity of that event. We thus see,
then, that the old historians are confirmed, as to the general fact, that
Angus was slain, though with regard to the inferences, arising from the

VOL. XIX.

2 K

25 0

Observations upon the Spuriousness

fact, we may be allowed to form our own opinions. Angus, or Anegus,
claimed, merely, to be chief of the district of Moray; and when he
fell, David seized what he left in his fall, as forfeited to him.

Let us now advert to that ancient description of Celtic Scotland,
which is No. 1 in the Appendix to Innes’s Critical Essay ; and which
is supposed to have been drawn up, from the information of Andrew,
Bishop of Cathness, who died in 1185: and Muref and Ros are
described, ut sextum regnurn Albaniae ; that is, in the exaggerated
language of the Celts, Muref and Ross are called the sixth Kingdom .
In the more sober speech of the Scoto-Saxons, the same countries
were called the sixth district , or department : but, they are not called
a Comitatus , or Earldom, of which the Celtic people of that age, knew
nothing ; and the Scoto-Saxons very little. David, the King, suc¬
ceeded to the territory, which he granted, as he had a right to do, to
such settlers as he thought proper to encourage ; but no Comitatus was
formed, during the forty years which elapsed, from the insurrection
of Angus till the claim of Morgan. The six Earls, who witnessed
Alexander Ist’s Charter to Scone, in 1115, were of Fife, Strathern, Men-
teith, Ross, Athol, and Marr : but, we see not, then, or for years
afterwards, any Earl of Moray: and among the twelve Earls, who
sat in the great Parliament of Brigham, in 1289-90, under the summons
of Edward I, there is not any Earl of Moray. [Rym. Feed. tom. II,
p. 471.] Moreover, in the Charter which Robert I. granted, 1321, to his
nephew Randolph, for all those lands in Moray, as they had been in
the hands of the late Alexander III, who demised in 1285, which were
now erected in libero Comitatu; and which, as such, were conferred,
by the grant, on his nephew, Randolph. [There is a copy of this
Charter, in Shaw’s Moray, Appendix, No. 1, and a more correct copy,
in Robertson’s Index to the Records, xlix.]

From this deduction, we may see, clearly, that there was no Comi¬
tatus Moravia, at the demise of David I, in 1153; and none, at the
demise of Malcolm IV, in 1165 ; and none, we may presume, in 1171,
under his brother, and successor, William ; and certainly none men¬
tioned in the Parliament of Brigham, 1289-90. Morgund, indeed,
does not say, that his father Gillocher, who, if there ever were such

of Sdderis Document.

251

a person, must have lived under David I. and his successor Malcolm,
had obtained a grant of Moray, as a Comitatus or Earldom. There
is a Charter of Malcolm IV, confirming to the Monks of Dumfermling
the grant of his grandfather, David I, which is witnessed by six Earls,
among whom is Morgund, Earl of Mar; so that if Gillocher ever
lived, he must have existed under David I, who demised in 1153, A.D.
He merely states, that he died seized of the Comitatus of Moray.
This leads us to the

Seventh Objection.

William, King of Scots, speaks, in 1171, of his war with England
as already passed ; whereas it only began, in 1173 ; and he was taken
prisoner in 1174. And during this war, the Moravienses, or men of
Moray, took possession of the country, and prevented him from put¬
ting Morgund in possession of his right to the Earldom, which did not
then exist. History knows nothing of such an event, as the Moray-
men seizing, or over-running a country, which they already possessed.
I say nothing of Morgund’s right to this Earldom being tried by an
inquest of Barons, Knights, and Thanes , men all worthy of credit ;
but, not the kind of men, who ought to have decided a question of
peerage. The frequent recurrence of Thanes in this Document, is
a clear proof of its supposititious nature.

Eighth Objection.

The King is induced to say, that he has made these his Letters pa¬
tent. This formula has a very modern appearance ; and leads us
to the

Ninth Objection.

Letters patent, say the lawyers, conclude with, Teste meipso, &c.
Charters with Hiis Testibus. And, for this intimation the second
Institute of Sir Edward Coke is quoted. Now, here is what Sir Ed¬
ward Coke says, in his Commentary on Magna Charta ; “ It, is true,
“ that of ancient time, nothing passed from the King of franchises,
il liberties, privileges, manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments,
“ of any estate of inheritance, but it was by the advice of his council

2 K 2

252 Observations upon the Spuriousness of Selden s Document ,

“ expressed under hiis testibus , as it was then and continues to this
“ day, in the creation of any to any degree of nobility ; for thereto
“ hiis testibus is still used.”

This conclusion of the King’s grants with hiis testibus , was used by
King Hen. Illd, and his progenitors, Kings of this realm before him,
and by his son, Edw. I, and by Edw. II, and Edw. Ill, after him.
Afterwards in the beginning of the reign of Rich, lid, I find the clause
of hiis testibus was left out, and instead thereof came in, teste meipso ,
in this manner; in cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fe-
cimus patentes. Teste meipso, which since, by his successors, Kings,
and Queens, of this realm, (except in creations) hath been used.

But, with great submission to the learning of Sir Edward Coke, the
epoch of the introduction of the formula of teste meipso , has been car¬
ried as far back as the reign of Richard 1st. [See Rud diman’s Intro¬
duction to the Diplomata Scotiae, § xn.]. And see this formula of
teste meipso, during the first year of the reign of Richard 1st, in Ken-
net’s Parochial Antiq. 1st edit. p. 146; which quotes the MS. Register
of Oseney : yet, this epoch is so far under the date of 1171, that it
fully supports the objection to this supposititious document of Selden.
Teste meipso first occurs in Rymer’s Foedera, A. 1190: and yet, in a
supposititious Charter of David I, in Orem’s History of the Chanonry
of Old Aberdeen, p. 3, we may see, “ Teste meipso , apud Forfar.”
But, this circumstance is only an additional proof of the fictitiousness
of this supposed Charter of David I, who demised in 1153.

All which, I beg to submit to the judgment of those, who possess
more learning, than I pretend to ; as satisfactory proofs of the spu¬
riousness of Selden’s document. Like other scholars and antiquaries,
Selden had been imposed upon. And, we may perceive, in the intro¬
duction to this very document, 2d Ed. p. 846, how Selden allowed
himself to be imposed upon, by the fallacious relations of Buchanan,
by speaking, familiarly, of Thanes and Abthanes among the Celtic
people of Scotland, under the Celtic government of Malcolme Mac-
kenneth, from 1003 to 1033, A.D.

V ’ * r ■ , ' ' ‘

GEO. CHALMERS.

( 253 )

XXVIII. Observations on some Ruins recently exposed in St. Martin s-
le-Grand , in clearing the Ground for a new Rost-Office. By
J. B. Gardiner, Esq. In a Better addressed to Alexander
Chalmers, Esq. F.S.A.

Read 25th March, 1819.

dear sir,

An article having appeared in the Times newspaper of the 25th
September last, relative to the mins in St. Martin’s-le-Grand, which
(in consequence of sundry buildings having been taken down, in order
to clear the ground for the site of the New Post-Office) had, then,
lately been exposed to view ; I was induced, from my natural incli¬
nation towards subjects of this kind, to visit the ruins ; and I ex¬
pected, from the mention of semicircular arches in the above article,
to find a valuable specimen of our Saxon style of architecture, in some
remnant of the College of St. Martin, recorded to have been founded
there before the Norman conquest; and that the writer was mistaken in
assigning the reign of Henry Illd, as the period of their erection.
Upon visiting the spot, however, I found that the arches to the eastern
parts were in the pointed style, and not semicircular. And as upon
inspection of the western parts, I noticed sundry indications of these
parts having probably been built at a much earlier period than the
time of Edward the Vlth, (the date of them mentioned by the afore¬
said writer,) I repeated my visits, for the purpose of taking drawings
of these remains, and of examining the principles of their construc¬
tion, so as to render myself better informed respecting them. The
result of my labours will be explained to you by the following remarks ;
in the progress of which I shall introduce such extracts from the
History of London, by Maitland and others (published in 1756), as
may appear to me to be necessary to the historical detail. I have also
prepared two explanatory drawings; See PI. XV. and if these papers

254 Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-le- Grand.

should, in any degree, meet with the approbation of your learned So¬
ciety, I shall feel that the time I have, necessarily, withdrawn from
the more practical employment of my profession has been advan¬
tageously expended.

I shall first direct your attention to the three vaults, westward of
those which have been built in the pointed style.

One of them is 7 feet 6 inches broad : the two others are 19 feet
6 inches long, and occupy together a breadth of 19 feet 4 inches :
they have originally been separated by the center pier only, which has
been built of freestone : the wall northward of the pier, and the brick
arches immediately connected with that wall, being evidently no parts
of the original building.

I think it quite clear that these buildings extended more southward,
from the circumstance of the two quoins being perfect on the south
side of the pier marked (A) on the plan ; and from there being evi¬
dent remains of an arch which turned from it, at the same level as the
springing of the arch on the opposite side of this pier. The form of
the vaultings adjoining the south end of the western wall seems to
indicate a passage originally through this part of it ; and the idea
is corroborated by the present wall not being (what is technically
termed) bonded in with the adjoining pier. On the north side, a pas¬
sage still remains communicating with the westernmost vault : which
has most probably been arched over ; and there has been an aperture on
each side of it. From the quoin-stones which appear in the north wall
of the middle vault, I have no doubt, when the present mass of rub¬
bish shall be cleared away, of some traces being found of another
corresponding passage. I believe the eastern vault did not extend
farther northward than at present ; for the stonework to the walling
appears to me to be bonded in at the angles. In this part, however,
a heap of bones has been collected together, and the access to them
having very properly been boarded up, I have not had the oppor¬
tunity of examining the north wall of this vault so closely as I have
done the other parts of these buildings. A stone coffin, six feet
nine inches long, of rude shape and workmanship, was found among

Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-k- Grand

255

these ruins, and has been also placed within the said enclosure. The
upper parts of the north walls to the two westernmost vaults, are
modem.

The arches over these three apartments and their connecting pas¬
sages, are some of them semicircular, others semi-elliptical, but none
of them pointed. The dotted lines on the Plan shew the arrisses as
now presented to us : and these vaults were (I have no doubt) built
before the use of the pointed arch was established, and not in the
reign of Edward Vlth, as has been supposed.

The stonework consists almost entirely of rag-stones. Some squared
freestones occur at the quoins, and one of the inner piers (as before
mentioned) seems to consist wholly of them : a few fragments of Ro¬
man bricks occur in some of the arches. Some portions of the vault¬
ing have been reinstated with common brickwork, and in one repaired
place a patch occurs consisting of tiles similar almost to those now
made use of. A few flints are to be met with, but chiefly in the
western wall, which has certainly undergone alteration.

My reasons for supposing the foregoing buildings to have been
erected previously to the use of the pointed style of architecture,
instead of after its decline, arise from the massiveness of the piers
(except the one above mentioned), from the solidity of the spandrils,
the rudeness of the materials, and the mode of workmanship by which
these parts have been constructed.

I am of opinion that the rag-stones, as well as the fragments of bricks
which I have mentioned, were taken from London wall, which passed
near the spot, or from some other Roman building ; and I am ready
to admit that the materials of the piers afford no proof that these
buildings were not erected by Edward the Vlth, at the time the
greater part of the college was taken down ; but I cannot suppose that
irregular flat rag-stones would have been adopted for the arches at a
period when common brickwork had been a considerable time in use,
and would have been much lighter and more suitable in many other
respects for the purpose ; nor do I think that workmen of that period

256 Observations on some, Ruins in St. Martin s-le- Grand.

would have loaded the solid spandrils with rag-stones, or with any
other equally ponderous material ; the stones in the spandrils are,
nevertheless, rag-stones, and (as far as I have had opportunities of
inspecting them) with scarcely an exception.

That a building did at an early period exist on this spot, or nearly
so, will appear on reference to the History I have mentioned. The
writer, after having set forth the streets, courts, and places of note, in
the Liberty of St. Martin-le-Grand, continues the subject as follows :
“ This Liberty was an ecclesiastical foundation. It takes its name
originally from a collegiate church founded by Ingalricus and his bro¬
ther Edward, A. D. 1056, for a dean and secular canons, or priests,
and dedicated to St. Martin, with the addition of Le Grand, from the
great or extraordinary privileges of sanctuary, &c. granted by divers
monarchs thereto.” Whether the buildings which I have been de¬
scribing formed any part of this collegiate church, it is almost impos¬
sible to determine ; but the repeated considerations which I have
given to them have led me to conclude this circumstance to be very
far from improbable.

It seems that “ anciently when this College flourished, a curfew
bell was rung here, as was at Bow, Saint Giles’s, Cripplegate, and
Barking. It was a great bell to be heard at a distance, to give the
citizens warning of the time of night, and to keep within doors.
King Edward the 1st, in his reign, in orders sent to the city for keeping'
the peace, against many mischiefs and murders, robberies, and beating
down of people by certain hectors walking armed in the streets at
nights, commanded, that henceforth none should be so hardy to he
found wandering in the streets after curfew bell sounded at St. Mar-
tin’s-le-Grand.”

William the Conqueror granted a charter to this Liberty; and other
charters and confirmations of privileges were given by succeeding
monarchs ; by Henry the Hid in particular ; and I suspect that the
eastern parts of the ruins were erected during his reign.

They are in the pointed style ; and I think they have formed part

Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-le-G rand. 257

of a crypt belonging* to some other edifice. The shape of these apart¬
ments being such, from the shortness of the columns, as not to have
admitted of much room for active purposes.

The dotted lines express the arched ribs. Four angle ribs and two
ribs adjoining* the walls were the only ones which remained entire
when I made my examinations : but the springing stones over the two
octagon columns remained, and sufficiently testify that ribs have
branched from each of them in eight different directions.

The Rev. James Bentham, in the fifth section of his History of Ely
Cathedral, having described several specimens of buildings which dis¬
play the intermixture of the early Norman with the pointed style,
introduces the fashionable mode of architecture used during the whole
reign of Henry the Hid, and observes — “ There was also some variety
in the form of the vaultings in the same reign : these they generally
chose to make of chalk from its lightness ; but the arches and principal
ribs were of freestone. The vaulting of Salisbury Cathedral, one of
the earliest, is high pitched between arches and cross springers only,
without any further decorations ; but some that were built soon after ,
are more ornamental, rising from their imposts with more springers,
and spreading themselves to the middle of the vaulting, are enriched
at their intersections with carved orbs, foliage, and other devices.”

In our present subject the vaulting is high pitched, the ribs consist of
arches and cross springers only, and the mouldings of the ribs are
very simple ; these are of freestone, and the fillings-in are of chalk.

The columns are very short, and the length of the circular ones next
the walls is nine inches less than that of the two octagon columns.
The mouldings of the capitals and bases correspond in style with
those found in many of the early buildings of the pointed style ; those,
however, of the bases I should state, are so much mutilated as to be
scarcely discernible.

Mr. Bentham mentions detached shafts of Purbeck marble among
the characteristics of the style prevalent during the above reign. The
shafts in these ruins are detached from the walls, and together with
the bases and capitals, consist of a greyish marble, probably of Pur-

2 l

VOL. XIX.

258 Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-le-Gr and.

beck ; but I am not certain as to this particular. In many of our
old churches I have seen insulated shafts of columns consisting of
similar marble.

In the north wall there has been a window (or aperture for some
purpose) : the upper part only of which is now visible.

The floors of these apartments must have been about twenty feet be¬
low the present levels of the neighbouring streets : the westernmost
octagon column is situate about fifty-three feet from the fronts of the
houses on the west side of Foster Lane, and about forty feet from the
north boundary wall of the burial ground of St. Leonard.

In regard to the demolition of the College of St. Martin-le-Grand,
I find the following notices in Maitland :

“ This College was surrendered to King Edward the Sixth, the
second of his reign, in the year of Christ 1548; and the same
year the Collegiate Church was pulled down, many houses built,
highly prized, and let to strangers born, and such others as claimed
benefit of the privileges granted to the canons, serving God day and
night (for so are the words in the Charter of William the Conqueror):
which may hardly be wrested to artificers, buyers, and sellers, other¬
wise than is mentioned in the 21st of St. Matthew’s Gospel.”

“ In the east part, where the collegiate church stood, w as after¬
wards a large tavern built, and down to the west, and so throughout
the whole precinct of that College, it was new built upon.”

The following quotation also from the same writer’s description of
the parish of St. Leonard, Foster Lane, has a close connection with
our immediate subject :

“ This late church (See Newc. Rep. Eccl. Paroch.) I take to have
been founded about the year 1236, by William Kirkham, Dean of
St. Martin’s-le-Grand, in the court or yard of that collegiate church,
for the use of the inhabitants of the sanctuary. Almost contiguous
to this church on the north, was situate the stately College of
St. Martin’s-le-Grand, which was founded Anno 1056, by Engelrick
and Edward his brother, for a dean and secular canons, (See Stow,
Sur. Lond.) Some time after, at the general suppression of Monas-

Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-le-G rand. 259

teries, this College was surrendered to Edward the Sixth, in the year
1548, when the church thereof was demolished and a tavern erected
in its stead, at the upper or east end of New Rents; in the cellars
of which are still to be seen divers of its pillars, as under the neigh¬
bouring houses is its cloister.”

The expressions as to the pillars and the cloister seem to refer to
two separate buildings. Upon inspection of the premises, however, I
do not find any other ruins than those I have been describing ; and
which from their locality, with reference to New Rents, must be the
remains alluded to.

Upon reference to the items of claim to privilege of sanctuary,
which were preferred subsequent to Henry the Vllth’s reign by the
abbot of Westminster, (to whom the liberty of St. Martin-le-Grand
then belonged,) and to the copy of a plan printed with those items, it
seems that the church of St. Leonard w as included within the boun¬
daries of the space possessing the said privilege, and at the north-east
corner thereof ; but that the said boundaries did not extend north¬
ward or eastward beyond the said church. I suspect that the present
church-yard occupies the site of the church itself. The inscription a
on the stone over the entrance seems to justify this idea; and so does
the following extract from Maitland. “ A dark entry, very ordi¬
nary, gives a passage into St. Martin’s-le-Grand. On the north side
of this entry was seated the parish church of St. Leonard, Foster
Lane ; which being consumed in the fire of London, is not rebuilt, but
the parish united to Christchurch ; and the place where it stood is
enclosed within a wall, and serves as a burial place for the inhabitants
of the parish.”

Supposing the church to have been thus situated, the original
church-yard might probably stand on the space of ground between
the north wall of the church and the present ruins. There are several
appearances of bones, &c. in this ground, which seem evidently to
indicate that it has been made use of for purposes of interment.

*■ The inscription runs thus : “ Before the dreadfull Fire, Anno Dom. 1666, here stood
the Parish Church of St. Lenard, Foster Lane.”

2 L 2

260

Observations on some Ruins m St. Martin s-le- Grand.

The following observations will explain the Drawing which I have
prepared as an accompaniment to the foregoing remarks.

The View of the ruins is given as they appeared in the early part
of this present month (October 1818). In this I have shewn two
only of the western vaults ; for 1 could not find a spot from which
all three of them were visible, without at the same time, finding some
object which interfered with a view of the eastern part of the fabric.
The wall near the side represents the north-west angle of the boundary
wall to the church-yard of St. Leonard.

The Plan is of such parts of the ruins as could be seen at the
times of my visiting them. Other parts will perhaps be traced,
upon clearing away the present masses of ground and rubbish ; but
I do not expect that any forms of building or modes of construc¬
tion will be unfolded, varying from those which have been exposed
already.

The light shadings of the piers and walling express parts of compa¬
ratively recent construction, wherein stone-work and flints are
blended with common brickwork ; the other light shadings shew such
portions of the vaultings as have been reinstated or repaired with tiles
or common brickwork.'

The Drawing also contains a section from east to west : herein I
have shewn the pointed top of the window which has been mentioned
in the course of my descriptions ; and I have left some parts of the
section unshaded, in order to make the subject more clear. The
height of the central pier in the western vaults, from the set-off at bot¬
tom to the springing of the arch, is five feet ten inches ; and the arch
rises three feet five inches. All the crowns of the arches in these
western parts are as nearly on a level as the rudeness of the stone¬
work, &c. would lead us to expect.

The figures to which the letters B. and C. are affixed, are drawn to
a scale one-eighth of their actual size. B. represents one of the arch
ribs, C. a capital of one of the octagon columns. These columns are
nine inches in diameter, their capitals ten inches high ; those of the cir¬
cular columns are only eight inches high. The mouldings of all the

Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-le-Grand.

261

capitals are, however, of the same species ; and all of them have the
upper members circular on plan. All the bases are six inches high :
they are, as I have before mentioned, so much mutilated, that the ori¬
ginal forms of the mouldings are not clearly discernible. The circular
columns are seven inches in diameter, and the height of them, in¬
cluding base and capital, is three feet eleven inches : the height of
the octagon columns, with their appendages, is four feet eight inches.

The height of the pointed arches, from the top of the capitals, is six
feet nine inches.

I have the pleasure to be, Sir,

Your very obedient Servant,

JOHN BULL GARDINER.

Wormwood, Street, City, October 1818.

POSTSCRIPT.

November 30th , 1818.

I, by chance, visited the ruins in St. Martin’s-le-Grand on the 19th
instant, just after the base-stones to the easternmost octagonal co¬
lumn had been dug up : they were bedded on freestone (or rather
the lower piece was so bedded.) I found the mouldings in very good
preservation ; the wall which enclosed, and thereby preserved them,
having been most likely built many years. I took the necessary mea¬
surements, and the forms of the mouldings are described in the an¬
nexed sketch, which is delineated
to the same scale as the capital is.
They occupy a height of inches.
I rather think that the mouldings
of this base did not correspond
with those of the other bases. The
sub-plinth, with its hollow mould¬
ing, was in a separate piece of
marble inches thick, and one
foot inches in diameter. The
bases of the columns next the
walls certainly had not a sub-

2 62

Observations on some Ruins in St. Martin s-le-Gr and.

plinth : I have re-examined them, and under the moulded stones
(which, as before mentioned, are six inches thick) I find freestone.
The Base to the other octagonal Column had been removed; but,
from my former inspections, I have no reason to suppose it ever had
a subplinth.

I would remark in respect to Purbeck marble (what most likely
has been very often noticed before by many persons,) that I believe
there is at this period no supply, or if any, a very inconsiderable one,
of the light grey kind; such as the small shafts in Westminster
Abbey of the work of Henry IHd’s time are composed of ; and very
likely the small shafts in these Ruins also. Dr. Aikin, in his “ England
Described,” having mentioned the Stone of the Purbeck Quarries,
says, “ It is of the calcareous kind, but distinguished into numerous
sorts, of which the finest take a polish and deserve the name of
Marble. These are nearly black , and some abound in shells, and are
used for chimney-pieces, grave-stones, hearths, &c.”

JOHN B. GARDINER.

• •

VOL. XIX

x n. Gardiner del .

J'i Basirt sc.

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( 263 )

XXIX. An Account of the Confinement of Henri/ Wriotheslei /,
Earl of Southampton , by Order of Queen Elizabeth , in 1570,
first at the house of Alderman Becher , m London , tmr/ then
at Loseley in Surrey , the seat of Wm. More , Esq. (afterwards
Sir !Vm.) taken from Original Papers there preserved , and now in
the possession of James More Molyneux , 2&gr. the representative of
that Family (1819.) Communicated by Wm. Bray, Esq. Treasurer .

Read 11th Nov. 1819.

M r. Camden, in his History of Queen Elizabeth, says that on the 7th
Sept. 1571, the Duke of Norfolk was sent to the Tower (from whence
he had been released a year before) on account of some practices
with the Queen of Scots ; and says, “ Afterwards Banister who was
the Duke’s Counsellor of Law, the Earls of Arundell and Southamp¬
ton, the Lord Lumley, the Lord Cobham and Thomas his brother,
Henry Percy, Lowder, Powell, Goodyer, and others, were committed
to prison, who every one of them, in hopes of pardon, confessed what
they knew.”

This account, with respect to the Earl of Southampton,1 is certainly
a mistake. In 1569 the Duke of Norfolk had been sent to the
Tower, but in 1570 had been released ; there is no mention of the
Earl of Southampton having been committed on this occasion, and
that he was not so on the Duke’s being again sent to the Tower in
Sept. 1571 is proved by authentic documents in the possession of
James More Molyneux, Esq. at Loseley, which shall be stated here.

* Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton and Baron of Titchfield, married Mary
daughter of Sir Anthony Browne, viscount Mountague, by whom he had a son Henry, born
at Cowdray, in 1573, as will be after mentioned. The Earl was a Roman Catholic.

264

An Account of the Confinement of

The Earl lay under suspicion of being concerned with the Duke
in the matters for which the latter had been the first time sent to the
Tower, or had by some means incurred the Queen’s displeasure, for
before the Duke was again imprisoned the Earl was committed to the
custody of Mr. Becher, one of the Sheriffs of London and an Aider-
man of that city, by a warrant from the Privy Council, dated Hamp¬
ton Court, 16th June 1570; from thence he was removed, by a like
warrant dated 15th July following, to the house of Win. More, Esq.
at Loseley before mentioned, where he continued till July 1573, and
was then suffered to go to the house of the Lord Viscount Mountague
(whose daughter he had married) at Cowdray in Sussex.

It is therefore quite clear that the Earl was not sent to the Tower
at the time mentioned by Camden, and it is no where said that he
had been committed with the Duke the first time.

The warrant for his commitment to the custody of the Alderman
states, “ that the Queen having just cause given her to conceive some
“ displeasure towards this Earl, had thought good to commit him to
“ his charge and custody until it should like her otherwise to deter-
“mine;” and the Alderman was required to receive him and cause
him to be lodged in some convenient place in his house, where he
should remain without having conference with any, and only to have
one man of his own, such as he should choose to attend upon him
till her Majesty’s further pleasure should be known.1

Some verbal directions were given, as the Alderman wrote to Mr.
More, when his lordship was delivered to the custody of the latter,
viz. that the Earl should neither write nor receive any letter without
its being seen by the Alderman ; and that when strangers were out
of the house, the Earl might walk in the garden, the Alderman or a
trusty servant being with him.

The Plague was at this time in London, and the Alderman seems
to have taken advantage of that circumstance to get rid of such a

1 A Copy of this warrant signed W. Howard, H. Knowllys, Will. Cecille, was sent by
the Alderman to Mr. More.

Henry IV riothesley , Earl of Southampton.

265

guest by alarming the Earl, on whose representation to the Council
an order was made for removing him into the country, to Mr. More’s
house at Loseley. This order is dated atOtelands, 15 July 1570, ad¬
dressed to Wm. Moore, Esq. and stating the commitment to the
custody of the Alderman, that the Queen was not yet resolved on
the Earl’s full liberty, but understanding that the Plague was some¬
what near the Alderman’s house, that the Earl was not in good
health, of which she was careful, had graciously accorded that the
Earl should be removed, and should remain with Mr. More under
his charge ; the Council therefore require Mr. More to repair to the
Alderman’s house in London, receive the Earl and convey him to
Mr. More’s house by Guildford, there to remain under his charge till
her Majesty shall determine for his further liberty ; in the mean time
to be kept as at Mr. Becher’s, except that here he might have one or
two servants to attend on him in his chamber, without conference with
any other, and farther as Mr. More should learn from Mr. Becher.

A Postscript is added that the expenses of the Earl were to be at
his own charges. a

At the same time the Council signed an order to Mr. Becher to
deliver the Earl to Mr. More, informing him of the order in which
he had been appointed to keep the Earl.

The Alderman lost no time in applying to More to relieve him from
his charge ; the next day (being Sunday) he sent a copy of the order
which he had received, to deliver the Earl to him ; the application for
the Earl’s removal had been on account of the Plague being near the
Alderman’s house, but he writes on this occasion to Mr. More that
God be thanked his parish was clear, and any near adjoining, but that
the deaths in London had increased by twenty-four in the last week,
which made my lord very desirous to be out of the city, and he hopes
that Mr. More will come the next day, to be gone on Tuesday ; that
he should set his horses at Lambeth, where the Earl’s were, ready.

* From the original warrant signed R. Leycester, E. Clynton, W. Howard, F. Knollys,
James Croft, W. Cecill.

VOL. XIX.

2 M

266

An Account of the Confinement of

His lordship sent his servant to Mr. More, with the Council’s order,
and a letter from himself, in which he says, “ you shall perceive that
“ I am appointed to continue with you for a time ; I assure you your
“ guest cometh with no very good will, as having rather to be at my
“ own house, if it had pleased them, but since it is their pleasure :
“ otherwise I am glad they have placed me with so honest a gentle-
“ man and my friend,” and desires him to come on the morrow.

It does not appear on what day the Earl went to Loseley, but by a
letter from the lord Viscount Montague to Mr. More, dated 24 July
1570, we find that he was there at that time. The Viscount encloses
a letter to the Earl, which Mr. More will deliver or stop as saw fit.

Mr. More soon began to be tired of his guest, as Mr. Becher had
been, and on 8th Aug. (1570) he wrote to Lord Wm. Howard, Lord
Chamberlain to the Queen, a friend of his, representing the incon¬
venience he was put to and the restraint on his liberty, that he could
neither visit his lordship nor travel in the execution of a public com¬
mission, in which he had been joined with Mr. Onslow and Mr.
Browne ; that he had gone to the Court at Osterley to pray the Lords
of the Council to discharge him, and intreating his lordship’s as¬
sistance.

Lord William answered this letter the next day, saying that when
the matter was first moved at the Council Board he had spoken in his
behalf, but prevailed not ; that for his good will to visit him, he most
heartily thanked him, and accepted the good will as much as if he
had taken that travail. As to the Commission, although Mr. More’s
presence might further it, yet having such an occasion he may be very
well spared, the rather for that there are others sufficient to perform
the Queen’s expectation in that behalf ; that as to the continual
keeping his house, as well to avoid all conference with the Earl out
of his hearing, as to see the letters which the Earl received or sent,
he (Mr. More) did very well therein, for in those two points consisted
the greatest part of his charge.

It seems that Mr. More had remonstrated with Mr. Becher on his
having represented to the Council, in order to get the Earl removed,

267

Henry JV riothesley , Earl of Southampton.

that the Plague was coming near his house, and yet writing to Mr.
More that he might come with safety to fetch him, as the distemper
was not in his parish, or in other places very near adjoining; for on
the 14th Aug. (1570) the Alderman writes to Mr. More, endeavouring
to reconcile this contradiction.

There are several letters from Lord Montague to Mr. More,
making anxious inquiries after the Earl’s release. In one of 5th Sept.
1570 he thanks Mr. More for having applied to the Earl of Leycester
on his behalf, and requesting his further assistance, says that Lord
Southampton and himself shall always remember his kindness. In
another, dated the last of October, he says that he hears a Poursuivant
was at Loseley with letters touching the Earl, whether for good or
no he knew not, more than that by his (the Earl’s) message, his wife
had cause to hope the best ; if there did not appear to Mr. More any
likelihood of his discharge, he prays him to send word what he
thinks, that his (the Earl’s) wife may for discharge of her duty make
suit as she may.

The errand of the Pursuivant mentioned in the preceding letter,
was to bring a letter from the Privy Council to Mr. More, dated 23d
Oct. 1570, requiring him to signify to them whether the Earl of
Southampton comes to Common Prayer or not, and in case he has
not so done, they require Mr. More, as of himself, to move and
persuade him thereunto, and to advertise them of what he hath done,
or shall do, and his answer thereupon. a

The applications to Lord Wm. Howard and the Earl of Leycester
were fruitless, but Mr. More persevered and wrote to Mr. Secretary
Cecill, with what effect cannot be ascertained, as, in the copy kept
by Mr. More, the date is omitted, but it seems it had no effect, as the
Earl remained at Loseley till July 1573.

The next document we find is a letter from the Privy Council to
Mr. More, dated 5th May 1573, in which they signify the Queen’s

* From the original letter, signed W. North, F. Bedford, R. Leycester, W. Howard,
F. Knollys, James Croft, W. Cecill, Wa. Mildmay.

2 M 2

268

An Account of the Confinement of

pleasure that the Earl should be set at more liberty, that his wife,
other friends and servants should have access to him ; that he should
be suffered to go abroad with them sometimes for taking the air, Mr.
More being with him ; that he might now and then go to a house of
his in Hampshire which he was then building, Mr. More going with
him, and they returning to Loseley at night. They say that Mr.
More was not to be charged in any respect with his diets, or other¬
wise, but that the Earl either should bear them himself or see Mr.
More well satisfied and contented, as to his estate and in right ap¬
pertained!. a

This was soon followed by a permission for the Earl to go to his
father in law, the Viscount Montague, at Cowdray, dated 14th July
1573, in which he has leave to repair to the house he was building,
as he did when at Mr. More’s, but by reason of the distance from
Cowdray, he had leave to stay one night at a time.b

Irksome and burthensome as this confinement must have been to
Mr. More, the conduct of both parties was such as to establish a
mutual esteem and friendship. This appears by several letters from
the Earl and his wife. One from the Countess to Mrs. More inquires
after her little Mall (probably one of Mr. More’s daughters) pressing
for her coming to Cowdray, adding, “ I send your good husband and
you ten thousand commendations with no less thanks for all the great
courtesy which for my part I acknowledge myself to have received
at your hand, for the which I rest your debtor, ready in good will to
requyte it when any occasion shall be offered. Farewell good Mrs.
More with all my heart : good Mrs. Polsted I must not forget. I
wish me with you every day an hour or two.”

The Earl himself writes from Cowdray ; “ after my hearty com-
“ mendations to you and your good wife, tho’ it is so happened by

1 From the original, signed W. Burghley, E. Lyncoln, T. Sussex, R. Leycester, T. Smith,
R. Sadleir, Wa. Mildmay.

h From the copy given to Mr. More by the Earl, signed W. Burghley, T. Sussex, F. Bed¬
ford, R. Leycester, F. Knollys, F. Smyth.

269

Henry Wriothesley , Earl of Southampton.

“ the sudden taking of my wife that we could not have her present as
“ we desired, yet have I thought good to imparte unto you such
“ comfort as God hath sent us after all my long troubles, which is,
“ that this present morning at 3 o’clock, my wife was delivered of a
“ goodly boy (God bless him) the which although it was not without
“ great peril to both, yet they are, I thank God, in a good state. If
“ your wife will take the pains to visit her, we shall be right glad of
“ her company. And so with my hearty commendations to your son
“ Polsted and his wife and to good Mr. T if he be with you, I

“ end for this time, bidding you heartily farewell. From Cowdray,
“ this present Tuesday, 1573.” (The month omitted.)

He died 4th Oct. 1581, leaving the son mentioned in the above letter
his heir.

( 270 )

XXX. Copy of a Survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in Yorkshire,
taken about the 32d year of Henry VIII. Communicated by
John Caley, Esq. F.S.A. Keeper of the Records in the Chapter-
House at Westminster : in a Letter to Henry Ellis, Esq.
F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 9th March, 1820.

DEAR SlR, Gray's-Inn , 8 th March, 1820.

It is much to be regretted that the Surveys of the Religious Houses
dissolved in the reign of King Henry the Eighth, preserved in the Aug¬
mentation Office and Chapter-House at Westminster, do not, in
general, describe the state of the edifices themselves at that period
with any degree of exactness. I have, however, found in the latter
Repository, a survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in the East Riding
of the County of York, which is not liable to this objection, and
which, on that account, you may perhaps think deserving of being
read to the Society of Antiquaries ; for this purpose I beg leave to
enclose a Transcript of it. The Survey is without date, but from its
having the signature of Richard Pollard, who was one of the
King’s General Surveyors, the time of its being written may be fixed
at about the thirty-second year of Henry VIHth, immediately after
the Dissolution. I will merely add, that the Priory of Bridlington was
a Priory of Black Canons, of the Order of St. Austin, and that it
was founded by W alter de Gant, early in the reign of King Henry
the First.

1 am, dear Sir,

Yours very faithfully,

JOHN CALEY.

Survey of the Priory of Bridlington , in Yorkshire .

271

The Disc ripe on of the Monastery or Pryory of JByrdlington withe the
Churche there, beyng in dy stance halfe a myle from the See.

THE GATEHOUSE.

Ffurste the Priory of Bridlyngton stondyth on the Est parte of the
Towne of Brydlyngton, and at the cummyng yn of the same Priory is
a Gatehouse foure square of Towre facyon, buylded with Ffrestone,
and well covered with leade. And one the South Syde of the same
Gatehouse ys a Porter’s lodge w* a Chymney, a rounde Stayre ledyng
up to a hye Chamber wherein the three Weks Courte ys alwayes kept
in w* a Chymney in the same, and betweene the Stayre foote and the
same hie Chamber where the Courte ys kepte be tow proper Chambers
one above the other w* Chymneys. In the Northe syde of the same
Gatehouse ys there a Prison for offenders. w*in the Towne called the
Kydcott. And in the same Northsyde ys a lyke payre of Stayres
ledyng up to one hye Chamber in the same Towre with a Chymney.

Md that all the Wyndowes of the sayd Towre be clerely w'oute
glasse.

LODGYNGS AND STABLES FOR STRAUNGERS.

ltm one the Northsyde of the same Gatehouse, to the Priory warde,
be dyvers Lodgyns and Stable for Straungers wiche be greatly in
decaye for lacke of reparacyon and covered with slatt.

THE CHURCHE.

Ffurst the seid Churche ys well buylded w* stone and tymber
and covW w‘ lead, whiche Churche conteynyth in lenthe from the
ende of the parysshe Churche Estward lviij pac’s and in bredyth
xxvj pac’s.

The Steple beyng Towre ffashyon ys highe & daungerously in
decaye.

There be in the same Steple seven Bells mete to be rongen all at
one tyme yff yt so happen.

272

Survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in Yorkshire.

The seyd Churche ys devided the on part for the Pryory and Covent
and the nether parte for the parysshe Churche.

The on part of the seyd Churche ys well coveryd wtWaynscott.

The Stalls of the Quear be substancyall and newly made aft' the
right goodly fashyon.

The Reredose at the highe Alter representyng Criste at the As-
sumpcyon of our Lady and the xij Appostells, w‘ dyvers othe great
Imagys, beyng of a great heyght, ys excellently well wrought and as
well gylted, and betwene the same and the Est Wyndow ys Saynt
John of Brydlyngton Shryne, in a fayre Chappel on hyghe, having on
ayther syde a stayre of Stone for to goo and cume by.

It’m under nethe the sayde Shryne be fyve Chappells w‘ fyve alters
and small Tables of Alleblaster and Imag’s.

It’m towe lytle Closetts of waynscott on eyther syde the quear one
w‘ Alters.

Item a lytle Chapell w* yron gratys of eyther syde conteyneth in
lenght v pac’s and a halfe.

It’m the South yle of the quear contayneth lvj pac’s in length & iiij
pac’s in breddyth, w‘ narrowe Glasse Wyndowes, ev’ry one of theym
of one hyghte, and toowe Wyndows wl fyve lyghts a pece. And a
double Storye all white Glasse.

Item the North yle of the quear conteynyth lvj pace in lenght and
foure in bredyth, w‘ a x j narrowe Glasse Wyndowes of one hyght
whyte Glasse.

It’m in the Est ende of the Churche ys a xj Wyndows, whereof x be
of one lyghte and one of three lyghts.

It’m on the South Syde of the same Churche ys the Vestrye well
covered with lead.

THE PRYORS LODGYNG.

There standith on the South syde of the seid Churche the Priors
Lodgyng, wherein ys a hawle, to the whiche hall ledyth a Stayre of
iiij foote brode and of xx Steppys highe, whiche Stayres be on the
South Syde of the same hall ; the seyd hall conteyneth in length from

271

Survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in Yorkshire.

the Skyven to the highe Deske xviij pac’s, and in breddith x pac’s, and
well covered with lede.

It' on the North Syde of the same Hall ys there a great Chamber
where the Priour alwayes dyned, conteynyng in lenght xx pac’s, and
in breddyth ix pac’s, well coveryd withe lede.

It’ at the west ende of the same great Chamber ys there a proper lytle
Chamber whiche was the Priors slepyng Chamber, covered w‘ lede;
and ov’ the same Chamber ys a Garrett.

It’ at the Est syde of the same great Chamber ys a lytle Chappell,
with a Closett adioynyng to the same.

It’ at the South ende of the Hawle ys the Buttrie and Pantrie under
one Office, and one the same ende a Chamber called the Audytors
Chamber.

It’ at the same ende of the Hawle, & on the west syde ys a fayre
plo’r, or a Chamber called the lowe Som’ parlo’r, ov’ the whiche Som’
Parlor or Chamber ys another ffayre Chamber covered w* lede, and
adioynyng to the same highe Chamber on the Est Syde be thre lytle
Chambers for Servaunts.

It’ at the South ende of the same Hawle ys the Pryors Kechyn,
whiche ys an olde Kechyn w* three lovers covered w‘ lede, and ad-
joynyng to the same Kechyn ys there a Chamber called the South
Sellerers Chamber.

THE CLOISTER.

It’m on the Est syde of the Pryors Hawle stondythe the Clovster,
whiche conteynyth in length xxxviij pac’s and in breddyth foure
pac’s and so foure square w* lyke length and breddyth, & well coPed
w‘ lede.

THE FRATRIE.

It’ on the South Syde of the same Cloyster ys the Ffratre whiche
conteynyth in length, xxiij pac’s & in breddyth, x pac’s buvlded w'ffi ee
stone and well covered with lede.

THE CHAPTER HOUSE.

It’ on the Est syde of the same Cloyster ys a very fayre Chapter

2 N

VOL. XIX.

274 Survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in Yorkshire.

House w* ix fayre lyghts aboute the same, w‘ whyte glasse and sume
Imagerie, coveryd w* lede spere facyon.

THE DORTOR.

It’ on the same syde of the Cloyster ys the Dortor goyng up a
payre of stayres of stone xx steppes highe, lying North & South, &
conteynyth in length lxviij pac’s and in breddyth ix pac’s, also well
covered wyth lede, and at the South ende and West syde of the same
Dortor ys a long house of Offyce covered with slatt.

THE TRESAUR1E HOUSE.

It’ at the ende & syde ys the Tresaurie House covered w1 lede and
tower fashion, whiche ys a Strong House.

THE OLDE FFRATRIE W‘ THE FFARMORYE.

lt’m on the Est Syde of the same Dortor ys the olde ffratrie and
farmory, covered w‘ lede and under one Hooff, and on the Est Syde of
the same ffratrie ys a Chamber covered w‘ lede, called the Highe Cel-
lerers Chamber.

SAYNT CUDBERDDS CHAPPELL’.

It' on the Est Syde of the same ffarmory ys a Chappell called the
farmory Chappell’ otherwyse called SayntCudbardds Chappell’ whiche
ys well covered with lede.

THE NEW CHAMBER.

It’ on the North syde of the same Chappell ys a propre new buyld-
yng called the New Chamber, in whiche Sr Rob‘ Constable muche laye
in ; covered w‘ slatt.

THE BAKEHOUSE AND BREWE HOUSE.

It’ on the South Syde of the same Monast’y ys a Bakehouse and a
Brewehouse whiche by reporte of olde men was sumtyme a Nunrie.
By syght the Bakehouse was the Body of the Churche, the Rooff
whereof is covered w‘ slatt and the lies w‘ lede. The Brewe House

275

Survey of the Priory of Bridlington, in Yorkshire.

ys where the quere semed to be; and ys coveryd w' lede adjoynyng
unto the Est part of the Bakehouse.

THE MYLNE.

It’ on the Northsyde of the same Bakehouse and Brewehouse
standyth a ffayre Horse Mylne newly buyldyd & covered w* Slatt.

THE BARNE YARDE.

It’ there ys a great Barne Yarde on the Northsyde of the seyd
Pryorye cont’ by estymacyon foure Acres.

THE BARNE.

It’m there ys on the Northsyde of the same Barne Yarde a very
fayre Barne conteynyng in length Est and West, Cxvij pac’s, and in
breddith xxvij pac’s well covered with lede to the value of fyve hun¬
dred m’ks, and so yt ys offered for.

THE GARNERD.

It’ on the South syde of the same Barne standyth a Garnerd to lay
Corne in, conteynyng in length North & South, xxvj yards, and in
breddyth x yards covered with lede.

THE MALTHOUSE.

It’ on the Est syde of the same Garnerd standyth the Malthouse
cont’ in length North & South xliiij yerds, and in breddith xvij yards,
well covered w‘ lede ; and on the North syde of the same Malthouse
standyth a prety House with a Chamber where the Hervest men dyd
alwayes dyne, covered with slatt.

THE KYLNE HOUSE.

It’m on the Est syde of the same Malthouse standith a Kylne House
covered with slatt.

OLBE STABLES & OXESTALLES.

It’m on the Est & West syde of the Barne Yerde standyth olde
Stables, Oxestall’s, w* other olde houses buylded w‘ stone, covered
with slatt, greatly in decaye.

RJCHARD POLLARI).

2 N 2

( 276 )

XXXI. A Dissertation on the Lotus of Antiquity .

By R. Duppa, Esq . LL.B. F.S.A.

Read 16th March, 1820.

The Lotus of the ancients has given rise to many interesting inqui¬
ries among the learned ; but, like the Pale Violet of Horace and of
Virgil, and the Hyacinth of the Greek and Latin poets, we are still
without any certain or accurate knowledge upon the subject. In this
short Essay, which I presume to lay before the Society to which I
have the honour to belong, I propose to shew from ancient authors,
that plants of very different characters were known to the Greeks by
the name of Lotus : but the particular object which I have in this disser¬
tation, is to shew that the Indian plant known to the Greeks by the
name of Kua^ao^ and A\y67rriog and to us by jVelumbium

speciosum, or Cyarnus nelumbo , was never called Lotus by the an¬
cient Greeks or Egyptians ; and I have been the more desirous to
establish this fact, as Mons. Savigny, de l’lnstitut d’Egypte, in his
learned paper in the Annales du Museum d’Histoire Naturelle, has
considered it to be a Lotus of the ancients ; and in all modern works
which have fallen in my way, I have observed a repetition of the
same error.

The etymology of the word Lotos is unknown: and from this expres¬
sion in Herodotus, it is probably of Egyptian origin ; for, in speak¬
ing of a species of water-lily, most probably the Nymphcea Lotus
of Linnaeus, in Book II. c. 121, he says xplve a 7roXXa, ra Aiyu7mo/
xaxisa-i Kcorov. So that here Herodotus evidently calls these lilies by
the name by which they were then known in Egypt.

In Homer there are two very different plants called Lotus, which
may be clearly and distinctly discriminated from each other by the
characters and qualities which he himself has supplied us with. In
the 9th Book of the Odyssey, he speaks of a people which he has

On the Lotus of Antiquity. 277

called Lotophagi ; who ascribed to the Lotus the most fascinating
attractions :

T uv S’oaTtf XcctoTo (payoi fJLtXivfiea y.a.piu,vt
Olx eV a’KO.yyii'ha.i itaXiv rjOeXev, oi3Sf veeadai"

’ A XX’ avTov BovXovto [act d.vbpd<ri AccTtxpdyouri
Autov (penrotAevoi [/.eve [lev, votrra Te Xa0eV0ai.a

Herodotus says that this fruit is in size about as large as the
in sweetness like the fruit of the palm-tree, and from which the Loto¬
phagi made wine.

Theophrastus describes the Lotus-tree to be somewhat less than the
size of a pear-tree, and to have a serrated leaf like our ever-green oak/
Polybius says, the tree is of no great height, and is rough and thorny,
and that the fruit at first is like white myrtle berries both in size and co¬
lour, but when it ripens it turns to purple, and is then about the size of
an olive ; it is round, and, when ripe, has a small stone : it is gathered
and bruised among bread-corn, put into a vessel, and kept as food for
the servants : it is dressed after the same manner for the family, the
kernel being first taken out ; it has the taste of a fig, or date, but a
far better scent. Wine is likewise made of it, by steeping and bruising
it in water, which has a very relishing taste, like wine tempered with
honey. It is drank without being mixed with water, but will not
keep more than ten days, therefore it is made in small quantities for

1 - of which fruit what man soe’er

Once tasted, no desire felt he to come
With tidings back, or seek his country more.

But rather wish’d to feed on Lotus still

With the Lotophagi, and to renounce

All thoughts of home. - Cowper.

b Herodotus, Lib. IV. c. 177- p. 359. Wessel. edit. fo. vide Dioscondes, L. i. c. S9 & 90.
This is supposed to be the fruit of the Mastick-tree of the old writers, from which the
resinous gum-mastick is produced, and which by modern writers is thought to be the Pistacia
lentiscus of Linnaeus, the berries of which yield an oil fit for the lamp and the table.

c Theophrastus, Book IV. A’ c.4, £. Some commentators have supposed the true reading
of the original to be r.piui/Zdep, like a saw, serrated, instead of nptvZleq, like the Ilex. But
Pliny, who appears to have seen this description by Theophrastus, has conformed to np»Zl f?.
See Lib. xiii. c. 17.

278

On the Lotus of Antiquity.

immediate use. Vinegar is also made of it. This is an extract pre¬
served in the works of Athenaeus, from the 12th Book of Polybius,
which is lost.

Virgil also speaks of a Lotus as a tree.

Praeterea genus haud unum, nec fortibus ulmis,

Nec salici, lotoque, neque Ideeis cyparissis.

Georg. II. v. 83.

Trees very much resembling Polybius’ description are now found in
great abundance in almost all the sandy and dry plains in the kingdom
of Tunis, particularly on the borders of the Desart and in the environs
of the lesser Syrtis, which by botanists are supposed to be some
species or variety of the Rhamnus Lotus of Linnaeus/

The other Lotus which we find in Homer, would seem to be some
sort of clover or trefoil, for he often alludes to its excellence as con¬
stituting good pasturage, and as food for horses. In the second book
of the Iliad he says

. iWot $e wap’ appraeaiv oi<nv ex

Aurov epexTo/Atvoi . b

And when he describes the contest between the Greeks and the
Trojans in the 12th Book, he characterises the overwhelming devas¬
tation produced by the conflict, by comparing its effects to snow
descending, which alike covers the summits of lofty mountains, of
cultivated fields, and the Lotus plains.

In the 14th Book, at the embraces of Jupiter and Juno, the earth
is made spontaneously to produce, with the hyacinth and crocus, the
dewy Lotus . And in the 4th Book of the Odyssey, where Tele-
machus contrasts the vegetation of Sparta with the barrenness of

a According to Dr. Shaw, this shrub is the Seedra of the Arabs. Dr. Shaw's Travels, 4°,
p. 143. Mungo Park says that it is found in great plenty on the sandy soil of Kaarta,
Ludamar, and the northern parts of Bambarra, where it is one of the commonest shrubs of
the country. Travels in Africa, 4°, c. 8. p. 99.

b Unharness’d at the chariot’s side the steeds
Cropp’d the green Lotus.

279

On the Lotus of Antiquity.

Ithaca, its abounding with the Lotus is mentioned as one circum¬
stance to mark the superior fertility of Sparta :

...... av yap 7reSio<a avacaen;

E vpeof a eve jJ.lv Xur o; iv §« y.vneipcv,

Ylvpoi re, ^eiai re, evpvepvet v.pt AevvcoV,1

Such passages clearly indicate that this Lotus was some plant
which made a desirable part of pasture land, and it could by no pos¬
sibility be any species of Nymphaea, or water-lily, as Homer has
made it to spring up on the top of mount Ida, in the 14th Book of
the Iliad, which I have just referred to.

Theocritus also mentions a Lotus which must have been a low
herbaceous plant, growing in the meadows where he describes the
Spartan maids as making a wreath for Helen on her marriage with
Menelaus :

Wparq. roi crreepavov Accra ya.jj.ai av^ofJ.evoio,°

and we have the authority of Dioscorides, for the existence of a
Lotus which was a papilionaceous plant. In Book IV. c. Ill and
112, he has described two species.

Besides these two kinds, we learn from Herodotus, Theophrastus,
and Dioscorides, that there was an herbaceous plant resembling our
water-lily, which was called Lotus by the Egyptians. The descrip¬
tion of it by Herodotus is, that it had a seed-vessel like a poppy, and
petals like a white lily ; its root was esculent, and its seeds, which were
small and numerous, were employed to make bread ; that the plant
abounded in Egypt, in the plains overflowed by the Nile, where it
was particularly cultivated by the inhabitants for food.c Theo¬
phrastus says that this Lotus grows chiefly in the plains where the
country is inundated; the flower, white, the petals, narrow like

a For thou art lord of an extensive plain
Where Lotus, herbage of all savours, wheat.

Pulse, and white barley, clothe the fruitful soil.

b Be flowering Lotus twined, that loves the ground.
c Herodotus, Book II. c. 121.

280

On the Lotus of Antiquity.

those of the lily, and numerous as of a very double flower, the seed-
vessel, like that of the common poppy, and the seed, like millet.*
Dioscorides gives a similar account of this plant. b

Athenseus is the only ancient author in whose works I have been
able to find any description of a blue and a red Lotus growing in
Egypt: they grow, he says, in the lakes in the neighbourhood of Alex¬
andria, and blossom in the heat of summer. In his Deipnosophistes
he has thus introduced these flowers :

“ Timachidas and Simmias, the Rhodians, both mention the Isthmian
crown ; which is mentioned also by Callixenus, who was also a Rho¬
dian by birth, and writes as follows in his account of Alexandria.
As I have mentioned Alexandria, I know that in that fine city they
have a crown called Antinoean, named from the plant which is there
named Lotus , which plant grows in the lakes in the heat of
Summer, and there are two colours of it ; one of them is of the colour
of a rose, of which the Antinoean crown is made ; the other is called
Lotinus, and has a blue flower.”

The rose-coloured Lotus appears to have been a favourite flower in
Egypt from the poetical fiction of its origin, which we derive from
the same author, who says, that “ one Pancrates , a poet of the coun¬
try, with whom I was acquainted, when the Emperor Adrian was at
Alexandria, presented to him a rose-coloured Lotus with great osten¬
tation, saying, that it ought to be called Antinoean, as it sprung from
the earth when it received the blood of the Moorish Lion, which
Adrian had killed near Alexandria in a hunting party. This Lion
was an immense beast, which for a long time had preyed on all
Africa, so as to render a great part of it uninhabitable. The Emperor
being pleased with the invention and novelty of the thought, gave him
his commons in the Temple of the Muses. c

It is from this story I believe that the opinion has prevailed,
among modern writers, that this red-coloured Lotus could be no other
than the nua/x og of Theophrastus, the Nelumbium speciosmn of Will-

a Theophrastus, Book IV. c. 10. b Dioscorides, Book IV. 114.

c Athenaeus, Lib. XV. c. 6.

281

On the Lotus of Antiquity.

denow : from this extravagant compliment of Pancrates this flower
could not, in the reign of Adrian, have been long known in Egypt ;
whereas the xoapog is particularly described by Herodotus as growing
and cultivated for food in Egypt more than 560 years before that
time. As there is great probability that the xoa pos was originally
introduced from India,* this rose-coloured Lotus may, in the reign of
Adrian, have been recently imported from the East, where it now
abounds as a native plant in great plenty; and an additional reason
for importing it into Egypt might have been, its producing seeds,
which at this day are esteemed wholesome, and eaten by the natives
of Hindostan, both raw and boiled, and the root is also eaten in
times of scarcity. This red Lotus of Athenaeus I believe to be the
plant which, by modern botanists, is called Nymphcea rubra , or some
variety of it, and not the uoapog of Theophrastus.

The Egyptian x6a [xog is described by Herodotus, Theophrastus,
Dioscorides, Strabo, and Arrian, and without once confounding it
with the liliaceous Lotus, as has been the practice of modern writers.

The description of it by Herodotus is, after describing the plant,
which I consider to be some species of Nymph®: he says, “ There
are likewise other lilies like roses, and these too grow in the river
Nile; whose fructification is produced in a separate seed-vessel,
springing like a sucker from the root, in appearance exactly re¬
sembling a wasps’ nest, and containing a number of excellent seeds,
about the size of olive berries. These are also eaten, when tender,
and dry.” b

In the early ages great importance was attached to the xva[xos as an
article of food ; and in Egypt it seems to have obtained religious

a The passage in Arrian is favourable to this conjecture. “ On the banks of the Hydaspes,
after Alexander had prepared many vessels with two and with three banks of oars, and
ships for the transport of his horses and his army, he resolved to sail down the river as far
as the ocean. Here he first saw Crocodiles in the Indus, which he had never before seen in
any river but the Nile ; and beans growing on the banks of the Acesines, such as are pro¬
duced in Egypt : and having heard that the Acesines discharged itself into the Indus, he
thought that he had discovered the sources of the Nile. Arrian, Exped. Alex. Book 6. c. 1.

b Herodotus, Lib. II. c. 121.

VOL. XIX. 2 O

282

On the Lotus of Antiquity.

veneration, as the figure of the plant frequently occurs in sculptured
ornaments and symbolical pictures in the remains of ancient Egyptian
Temples; and in the third volume De l’Academie Royale des Inscrip¬
tions there is an engraving of a bronze figure of Isis represented seated
on its seed-vessel. Montfaucon supplies many similar examples.

In Hindostan this plant appears to have been considered with reli¬
gious veneration in the remotest antiquity. In the caves of Carli and
Elephanta are numerous representations of it in the architectural
ornaments, and in religious symbols. And in the present mythology
of that country, Surya, the god of the sun, is usually represented with
one flower of the xvayog a in each hand.

This plant having been anciently common to the Nile, and to the
marshes of Egypt, and now, and for ages past, not discoverable
in that country, it may reasonably be supposed to have been origi¬
nally imported from the East, where it still flourishes in plenty
and in great luxuriance. This conjecture, if it were established,
would serve to shew that there was a communication between
those distant nations anterior to historical record : and as this plant
is used as a religious symbol, and in religious ceremonies, wherever
it has been found indigenous in India, it would afford one conjectural
point, among many, that the religion as well as the arts of Egypt
were indebted to nations of still more remote antiquity.

a In Shanskreet this plant has many different names, as Tdmarasa, Padma, Kamalas
Satapatra , Sahasrapatram, &c.

( *283 )

XXXII. Extracts from “ The Booke of the howshold Charges and
other Paiments laid out by the L. North and his commandement : be¬
ginning the first day of January 1575, and the 18 y ere oj ” Queen
Elizabeth. Communicated by William Stevenson, Esq. of
Nonvich, F.S.A. in a Letter to Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A.

Read 2d December, 1819.

Norwich, 25th Nov. 1819.

MY DEAR SIR,

I send you, for the inspection of the Society of Antiquaries, two
MS. volumes, entitled, “ The Booke of the howshold charges and
“ other payments laid out by the L. North and his comandement,
“ beginning the first day of January, 1575, and the 18 yere of our most
“ gratius Soverain’s (i. e. Queen Elizabeth’s) raigne.” These volumes
I purchased about two years ago. Though they are in general in a
fair and legible state, I have thought it desirable to select and tran¬
scribe such passages as have appeared to me to be more particularly
deserving of notice ; including the expenses incurred during the
Queen’s visit to Kirtlinge in 1577.

The minute attention, observable in these accounts, and the curious
specimens of prices contained in them, will probably be considered
as attaching some degree of interest to these extracts, independently
of the celebrity of the mansion of Kirtlinge, and the distinguished
character of Roger Lord North, its then possessor, both of which are
too well known to require any particular notice from me on the present
occasion. The few notes I have added are merely intended in expla¬
nation of such passages as stand more immediately in want of it.

] remain, dear Sir,

most faithfully yours,

Wm. STEVENSON.

Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A.

<2 0 2

284

Extracts from the Household Book

\ iiijZ*. xjf. viijrf.

Specimens of the Weekly Accompts. Vol. i. fol. 4

1575-6.

Sonday first January

Gifts rewards. Geven Mistrells vs. amongst my^

men vs. to Sleggs man ijs. vjfZ.
to Foxons ma ijs. vjcZ. to Moat
man ijs. to Colletts man, Parts,
and Dearsleies man iiijs. to
Jacobbs man ijs. to Hawfelds
man iijs. to Stodhers man iijs.
to Killingbanthe man ijs. to
Hawsed ijs. vjc/. to Good¬
wins man iijs. to Tassll’s man
ijs. to R. Giles his man vs.
to Danes man ijs. to Molls and
Tar man xijs. to Ballaams man
iijs. to my brother Paitons man
ijs. vjd. to Mistres Bedels man
ijs. vj d. to Pratts man ijs. vjr/.
to Pitches man iiijs. to my
brother xxs .

Monday 2 January, to Saterday 7 January
Ordinary fish, 24 n 22 ^

flesh, fowle, P' for mallards, teales, plov’rs,

ep-o-s, 12 72 24 4

58 snypes, larkes, conyes, par-

tryches, herneshewes, & other
flowle. And for veales, piggs,
eggs, a horseloode of fish, &
other ordynnry fish, as appear-
eth p’ticlerlye by the Clerke of
ye kychen his bill . ... j

R. NORTH

Som’ of this Wekes") . 7 . ,

}. ix li. viijs. ja. *

charge cometh to J

* In many of the Weekly Accompts which follow these, the sums total are faultily cast up.

> iiij/i. xvj s. xcf.

of the Lord North , t. Q. Eliz.

28 5

Sonday 8 January,

Monday 9 January, Tuesday 10 January.

Gifts rewards.

Geven George North xli. to Min^
strells iijZ*. to R. Giles man vjs.
viijd. to Mr Wrens man xs. to
Wrens man iijs. to Killing-
worths man iijs. to Foxon
man iijs. to the Kitching folks
xijs. to Pritcherds sarvant xd. to
W.B. xs. to Steams man iijs.
to Buller vjs. viijd. to Ship¬
wright. iijs. to Balls men xjs.
For a martch pain ijs. vjd. to
Alin ijs. to Wall iijs. . . . y

xi/e. xiiij s.

Wensday 11 January, Thursday 12 January.

Forein charg,
hedging.

Paid Boosom of Cambridg foP*
Norberys debt viijs. iijd.
for a plomer ijs. viijd. for
hedgin ditching 115 pole in
pond medow at ij d. ob. the
pole, xxiiijs. id . )

xxxv s. i j d.

Friday 13 January, Saterday 14 January.

Ordinary fish,
flesh, fowle,
eggs.

Paid for fowle as by the darks
bill apears xvjs. xd. to Dane
for conies iiijs. ij d. vj piggs
bowght by Stanton vj.s. fori
ij porks and a half xxxs. for|
neats towngs and cowes ud¬
ders viijs. for sea fish viijs. for
eggs ij* . >

iij li. xs.

286

Extracts from the Household Book

Moat-laborers Paid Adam for xij men this vveke
Beere bowght. in the worke in the moat

xxxvjs. \‘}d. Paid to Leake of) s' •
Market for 3 hogsheads of

beare xxijs. vjt/.

R. NORTH

Som’ of this wokesl

charge cometli to

xxli. xvij s. viij d.

Yol. i. fob 7.

The Charges of my Lords buildings at his howse in Charter House’1 Yeard
nere London , done there betwene ye last of August 1575 and the last
of January 1575. And also of the Howsehold stuff' fy other neces¬
saries for ye same hoivse bought wdnye said tyme as appear eth more at
large by pticler Bills lhreof

Buylding.

Bricklayer

. Pd to the Bricklayers . . 4

IxiijZt. xjs. \]d.

Mason

. Pd to the free Masons . . .

xxx vj li.

Carpenter

. Pd to the Carpenters

xxxixli. xvs.

Smyth .

Pd to the Smythes ....

x\li. xvjs. iijcL

Joyner

. Pd to the Joyners ....

xx] li. xiiijs.

Plom’er .

. Pd to the Plomer ....

xli. xiij-s. vjr/.

Glasier

. Pd to the Glasier . . . . .

\li . ixs. xj d.

Tyler . .

. Pd for Bricke and Tyles

iij/b xjs. iiijf/.

Nayles

. Pd for Nayles .

xxxiijs. vd.

Lyme .

Pd for Lyme, Sand, & Lathe .

xxx viij s. iij</.

Pavying .

Pd for paving tyles and paving

iijZ«. iij^. viijt/.

a The site of the Monastery of Charter House was given by Henry VIII, Apr. 14th, 1545r
to his lordship’s father, who died in 1563-4. Dr. Bancroft, on the authority of Dudley Lord
North, tells us, that. Sir Edward, being commanded to attend the King, after his Majesty had
eyed him angrily, some time, he accosted him with — “ We are informed that you have cheated
us out of certain lands in Middlesex." To this Sir Edward answered negatively in a plain and
humble manner. The King then said, “ How was it then, did we give those lands to
you?” “ Yes Sir,” replied Sir Edward, “ Your Majesty was pleased so to do.” The mo¬
narch then assumed a milder countenance, and conferred privately with him. Roger Lord
North sold the Charter House to the Duke of Norfolk in 1565, except the part on the East
side the chapel, now called Rutland Court, alluded to above.

of the Lord North , t. Q. Elizabeth. 287

Plastering'

Pd for Plastering .

iiij/b vijs.

Cariages .

Carriage of gravell & rubbyshe

Howsehold Stuffe

xiiijs.

Napery

. Pd for Naperie .

i xli. ijs.

Sheets .

Pd for Sheetes .

xli. xiijs.

Pewter

. for Pewtr Yessell ....

lij^.

Tables

for Tables, cupbords, bed¬

steads, & stooles . . .

xij/«. xvjs. iiijd.

Bedding .

. for featlfbedds, com’inge, &

otlir bedding ....

xxiiij/b xiiijs. iiijr/.

Carpetts .

. for grene table Carpetts

iij li. vijs. vjtf.

Hangings .

. for mending of hangings .

iij/b

Potts . .

for black jacks & hall potts
for necessary howsehold stuff

xiijs. vjd.

for the kychen ....

xxxixs. vj<7.

Hangings,&c

. for howsehold stuff bought of

Mr Halton .

R. NORTH

Suin’a tot’lis of the Charges
of the sayd buyldings

Hi. ijs. iij d.

and Howsehold stuff
bought within the said
tyme ys .

* ^ #

iijCxxvij/b xj.s.

Vol. i. fol.

72. 1577.

A brieff Collecc on Sf Declaracon, of all suc/ie provision as was spent at
ye howse of ye right honourable the Lord North off Kertlinge, at
ye Q 31aties comyng thither on Monday ye first of Sept, to suppr
tarying there untill Wednesday aftr dynnr next following (being in the
xxth yeare off her Maties r eigne) And also a brieff Note of the gifts
rewards fy othr charges yf grewe upon ye same.

Manchett . . 1200 f
Cheatbread 36001 CdSt

wch was made of . r ..7. . ....

..„ tr i- j-t i . < XV1A xw- uJd
xvij“ q di di by wheate l

288 Extracts from the Household Book

White bread and cheat bread
bought .

xxiij dooss. .

xxiij s.

Hoggesheads of beare .

lxxiiij ....

xxxij li. vij s. vj*/.

Toonnes of Ale . . .

ij .

iiij ft*, xiiijs.

Hoggesh’ of claret wyne

Vj .

xxvij/Z.

Hoggesh’ of white wyne

i .

iiij . xs.

Rundlets of Sack cont: 20

Gall5

i .

liijs. iiij*/.

Hoggesh’ of vinegar .

i .

xxxiijs. iiij*/.

Steares and Oxen

xi di . . . .

xlvj/Z.

Muttons .

lxvij ....

xxvj/Z. xvj$.

Veales .

xvij di . . .

xj/Z. xiijs. iiij*/.

Lambes .

vij .

XXXXS.

Piggs .

xxxiiij . .

xxxiiijs

Geese .

xxxij ....

xxxij s

Capons .

xxx doos & iij .

xxvij li. iiij 5. vj d.

Turkies .

VJ .

xxs.

Swannes .

xxxij ....

xli. xiijs. iiij*/.

Mallards and yong Ducks

xxij doos. & ix .

vj//. xvj.s. vj d.

Cranes .

i .

xiijs. iiij*/.

Hearnshewes ....

xxviij . . .

iiij//. xiijs. iiij*/.

Bitters .

V. x ...

xviij//. vjs. viij*/

Shovellers .

xii .

iij//.

Chickins .

iiij xix doos di .

xix//. xviij s.

Pigeons .

cvKX xvij doos

xi//. xvijs.

Pewytts .

viij doos, x

v/Z. xvijs. viij*/.

Godwytts .

lxviij ....

xvij//.

Gulls .

xviij ....

iiiij//. xs.

Dottrells .

viij doos, iij

xli. viijs.

Snypes .

v\iij ....

iiij^.

Knotts .

xxix ....

xxixs.

Plovers .

xxviij ....

xxxs.

Stynts . ....

v .

xs.

of the Lord North, t. Q. Eliz.

289

Redshanks ....

. . xviij . . . .

xviij s.

Yerw helps ....

ij s.

Partriches .

xi s.

Pheasants .

iiij 5.

Quailes .

xiii /«*. xis. viij r/

Curlewes .

xiijs. iiij r/.

Connyes .

iiij li. xvj s.

Staggs .

. . iiij made into 48 pasties

Buckes ......

. . xvi made into 128 pasties

Gamonds of bacon . .

. . viij . . . .

XXX s.

Larde .

viij s viij d.

Neats tongs, feet, & uddrs

. . xisx. i ...

Iiij s. iiij r/.

Butter .

vj li. vijs. vj d.

Eggs .... . .

. . ijMvC. xxij

iij li. iij s.

Sturgeons .

. . iij caggs . . .

xl vj s. viij rtf.

Craye fyshes ....

xiijs. iiij d.

Turbutts .

Iiij s. iiij d.

Oysters ....

. . a cartload & 2 horseloads vli.

Anchoves .

. . 1 barrelt . . .

xs.

Pykes .

• • ij .

XX s.

Carpes .

• • ij .

vj s. viij d.

Tenchies .

. . iiij ....

vj S.

Pearchies .

. xii ....

xii s.

Redd herring ....

. . iijC . . . .

vijs. vj d.

Holland Cheeses . . .

• • vj .

xxs.

Mrche panes ....

. X .

vli.

Ypocras .

• . vj gall’. . . .

XXX s.

Gyftes and Rewards to ye

Quenes Maties Officers-

!» xlviij li.

and servants

Rewards to Noble mens servants, Gent, servants,'

> xli/i.

and others

• • • -

2 P

VOL. XIX.

290

Extracts from the Household Book

| vij /«. vijd.

Paymto to sundrie p’sons labouring and taking

paynes about this busyness

Charge of ye bancketting howse, ye new Kychensl .. 7 . ,

. n J >xxxij«. ii5. mi a.

& tryming upp chambers & oth1 rowmes . J

Basketts, hamps, jacks, casks & othr necess8
Carriage of provisionsh ye hale, and othr things
Ryding charges & furniture of horses
Wax lights and toorchies
Suger .....

Grocerie ware, banketting stuff, salletts, rootes,
and hearbes ....

}

xj li.

iij Z*. xiii5. viijd.
iij li. xixs. xi d.
iiij li. vij 5.
xvjft. iiij 5.

xxxixZ*. xxi d.

Keping off Wyldefowle
Hyering of pewtr vessell
Keping & scowring of pewtr vessell
The losse of pewtr vessell a
Charcoales bought & spent
Pd to y* Cookes of London
Making a standing for ye Q. in the p’ke
Candles spent v“. lb
Wheat flower and Rye meale spent in ye pastrie iij li.
Thincrease of expences (above the ordinie^
charge) by the space of a fortenight before and > xxli.
aft hir Maties comyng . .

Fforen charges about this busynes . . . iiij ft.

Laburers wages after ye Q. departure . . xxij s. ij d

xx s.

XX 5.

xxvj 5. viijd.

iij li. iij d.

xxi li.

XXV5.

XXV 5.

The Jewell given to ye Quenes Matie

Cxx£

R.NORTH

Tot'lis — vijC.lxij li. iiij 5. ij <7.

1 The amount of this Item, which is here omitted, will be found under the date of October 4
following, viz. xl \lb. at viijd. le lb.— -xxxijs. ijd.

of the Lord North , t. Q. Elizabeth.

•291

My Lords charges following the Corte after her Maties departure from
Kertlinge untill his L. returne thither again the xxvith off
Septenv 1578.

Horsemeate and stable charge

. iij li. iiijd.

Bo ord wages

. iiij li. xiij s.

My L. dyett

. xis. xd.

Apparell

- xlvjs. viij d.

Rewards for Bucks, &c.

. xxvs.

R. NORTH S’m

xili. xvjs. xd.

Provision bought at Sturbridge ffayer 6f the household charges in my
Lords absence (following the Corte as appear it h above ) untill his L.
returne to Kertlinge the xxvjth off Sept. 1578.

Codds bought CCC dl
Soape bought 2 firkins
Salte bought
Lynnen clothe pd for
Ordyn’ie at Kirtlinge

. viij/*. xv s.

. xxviij s.

. iij li. xiii-s. iiij d.
. xxxvij s.

. xxviij s. iiij d.

R. NORTH

S’m xvij//. xx d.

Selections of Miscellaneous Entries.

1576—1580

June 18 Gevin to the Bishops soon my Godsoon .
July 2 Ld Sussex Minstrells

24 My dinner which I sent to the Judges

Sangeru the Frentchman for a Musks chain

2 P 2

iij li. vj s. viij d.
vs.

ij U-

ix li.

292

Extracts from the Household Book

Aug 6

Lost at Maw wh the Queen

xxviij li.

Lost at Primerow

xxxiij li.

L. of Surreis Man for a Stagg

xiij s. iiij d.

Sep. 2

A rownd basin and Ewer wth a piss- -

pot of Silv1 weigh® 57 Oz. paid for (
the waight 5s pr Oz and 6d an Oz |
for the fashion

f xv li . xs.

Minstrells . . .

j U.

Godsoon Millicent*

xs.

Oct 2

Lost at Post

\s.

Labourers in Hopp Ground

xiv s.

Sholder of Venison

Nov 2 to '

[Lost at Play wh the Queen

xxxij li.

Dec 16

f A Hawke bought

x s.

Apparel ....

xx li. xviij s.

A Lease of a House and household '

|>xlvj li. xj s.

stuff given to M1 Tho North . J

Dec. 21 to']

i Apparell for my Lord

xxxviij li. iij

Feb 22. J

1 The Queens New Years Gift

x li.

Given in Co’te at New Years Tyde .

xvj li. xs.

Lost at Play to the Queen

lxx li.

Pd to Whythe for my L. Henrie

xli.

Boat hier and torches

ixs. xd.

A Butt of Sack

x li.

A Rundlet of Wyne

j li. xiij s. iii

A hand gonne & gonne Powder

xxxij s.

Moneys layed out for Mr. John')
North in Italye . . .J

xlix li. xs.

* Millicent was one of Lord North’s Gentlemen Retainers. The name appears in the list
entered on the first leaf of the MS. dated 28 July, 1578. His Lordship’s standing godfather
to the son of this person, and his making presents to his servants upon their marriage and
the christenings of their children, are worth notice, as proofs of his condescension and kind¬
ness to his domestics.

293

of the Lord North, t. Q. Elizabeth.

Mar 5

A Toon of Gascoine Wine . . xii/i.

20 Gallons of Sacke . . . xli.

12 Score Yards of Matts for the great) ...

& r 1]j

Chamber . . , . J

The Bishopp of Ely for a Leaze of^
Swaffam, LxvjZ*. xiiis. iiijd. whh
lease ys made to Fakes of
market ; for the \vch Fakes must
deliver yerly for viij yeres following
xxx quarten malt and for xii Yeres
after that xxxv quarters malt at the
howse of me L. North situate in
Kirtling ....

R John to mew a Cast of Hawkes.l

}xs ■

xs.

) Lxiij li. xiij s. iiij d.

the Goshawke and y® faulcon .

A fresh Salmon
A pownd of fresh butter .

Black Soape
40 Yards of tawnie cloth for liveries)
at viiirf. the Yerd, xvj/z. iiij s. and
given my Retainers xs. the pice to
by cates . . .

Lenten Stuff

3 Barells of Whight herring iij li.*
iijs. vj d. ij Cades of Redd herring
xx s. ij Cades of S pratts iij s. viij rZ.
xx Salt eels xxvj s. viij d. a barrell
of salt Salmon iiij li. xiij s. iiij d. .

X11J s.

iiij

iijrf.

iiij d.

xxviij li. iiij s.

< xli. i xs. ij d.

1577

A) n*14&15. Fower quarters Rent Wheat at viij s.

a Qr

XXXlj s.

16 Apr to j Apparell for Edward North when hel • -j ^
6 May / went to my L. of Bedforth . .J

294

Extracts from the Household Book

May 22
30

May 30
June 25
Aug 4

For a thosand and xxiij ownzes halP
of Silver dishes : atiiijs. xd. ob. the
ownze CCxlix li. viij s. vj d. for
making the same, at iij s. the ownz
xij li. xvj s. iij d. in the hole CClxij/Z.
xiiis. ixd.

The Parcells by thus devided. 13. ..7 . .

... , ,. ) CClxiia.xni5.ixc/.

littell dishes wg. Clix oz. iij qt. di: / J

13 greter dishes ws. CCxviij Oz.

iij q\ 13 greter dishes ws CCiii** Oz.

iij qt di : vi great plattr wg. Ciiij**

v Oz. iij qt: on gret charger, &

ij platters, wg. Clvj Oz. di qtr: viij

Sawsers \vs. xlij Oz. iii qtr. . .

A Paire of hose for the foole . . xij s .

Mr Pooley for his howse and all his
Land in Mildnall iijCZ«. wh. a Lease
wh. he hath from Michell Howse for
36 Yeres now to come: he ys to
have the Land during his Life, and
his wives freely. For making the
convaiance and for licence of alien¬
ation iij li. xs. for the sealexxii5. :
for wrighting xiij s. iij d. for waxe
& other fees xii5.

To my Piper

Lost at Play at Kenelworth a .

Given Ritcherdson to his maraeg b

iijCix/Z. viij 5. iirjc/.

lj 5.

L li.

Xl5

vj d.

* Lord North was from home from June 26th until the Sth of July j and he has noted
in the margin “ to my L. of Leicester.” The queen at this time visited Kenilworth.

of the Lord North, t. Q. Eliz.

295

Things bowght at Sturbridg faier

Sep. 14

Oct 2

Novr 26

Nov. 26

Dec 3
8

A C. Salt fish Lixs. whight Salt iijs.

1 qt iij lb. xiij s. bay Salt iij qt Lvj s .

2 Kettles xiij s. vj d. ix dust baskets

iiij s. vj pailes ij s. vj d. 2 firkins of
Soape xxix s. Feather bed tike
xixs. a Jacke ij s. ij d. a frieng pane
ij s. ij d. hors meat xvj d. 20lb of *
raissins vs. 20 lb Corants vijs. vj d.
10 lb prewens xxs. Liiij lb. gon Pow-
Lviijs. vjd. for 141b Matches iij s.
ixd. dogg Cowples xxd. 10 lb Sugar
xiis. vj d. . .

Paid unto the Bishopp of Rochester \
for his half Yeres rent due for the
parsonage of Kirtlinge ending at
Michaelmas last 1577 : paid in the
Closet at Winsor at Evening prayer^
To Spinola for Jhon Norths being hP
Ytaly ijC/«. beside a C li. given him
at his goeing himself, his ij men
apparrell and horsed : he was out
but ij Yeres ij Moneths gave him
by Mr Osbone and myself at his
coming home to furnish him
whall L li.

A Litter to convey my Sister North!

to London . . . . .J

Stanton of Tower-hill for forties
calivers furnished . . .J

To my L. Howards Plaiers
For soling iij paire of my Shooes

xiiij/i. xiij s. iijrf.

vijft. xs.

ijCL li.

xxxvij*. ixd.

xx vj li. xiij s. iiij r/.

vs.
iij s.

296

Extracts from the Household Book

•}

Dec 9, 10. For xvj ells of Cloth for ye table in
ye hall

Mending my Pearle Spoons
25 to 26 ij Saddells coverd wh storks skins
30 to 31 ACofHoppsa

(Lost at) Play (London)

Subside paid to Mr Pole
Armor for xlij morions vj li. xij s. for a

chests, matches, and other things £ vij li. xi s
to them xi xs.

A Tonn and half of wine

Jan 20 to
Feb 15

XXI s.

ijs. vj d.

xxi s.
xx s.

xx vij li. xs.
xi li. ij s. iiij d.

xxv li.

Mar 5 & 6 Matting b 3 Chambers wh BedfordsheerN

matts being in hole vjxx Yards at vd. I

the Yard Lj s. viij d. Given the men / s% ^

for their paines vj s. viij d.
Bo ate hire

1578

4 J

XXXV11J s.

24 Mar to Armo1' bowght .

6 May Comm" Livires c

Paid my La. Worcester due at Ly Dy
9 & 10 May Matting the upper Gallarie 37 Yds
18 to 20 My Armour for a Cote
To Mores Dansers
To 6 of my men to buie Coats .

xxxvj li. xi s. iiij r/.
xxiijZ*. iijs. viij r/.
x li.

xv s. i xd.
xs.

ijs. vje?.

iij li.

a Notwithstanding considerable purchases of Hops frequently occur in these accounts,
his lordship had a hop-ground of no small size, as the charges for labour and rates suffi¬
ciently prove.

b Although mats and carpets were now in use, they had not superseded the ancient
custom of strewing rushes over the floors of the apartments. A custom still kept up, at least
a few years ago, in the Trinity-House, Hull, and here we have frequent charges for them,
“ for the chambers.”

c The expenditures on account of his Liveries, no less than on account of his own
apparel, annually, compared with the present value of money, are very considerable, and
show that Lord North was not inattentive to the splendid appearance which his rank and
situation in life required him to keep up.

of the Lord North, t. Q. Eliz.

297

May 15 to Shooes and Stocks for the foole, and'

► iij 5. xd.

a Capp . . J

Lost at Saint a

XV s.

June 3 to

^Goeng towards Buxton

July 18

3 A Saddell trimed wh velvet and Har-I
ness for myself . . .J

► vij Z*. xs.

Play and Cockepitt

Omitted.

xnj It.

JNov. 6

Paid the Mr of the Rolls a C li. whh

)

my brother tooke upp of his Chil¬
drens Portion

£ C li.

Dec. 19

The polers of my hoppgrownd in part'
ofamorebsoom

> xs.

July 23 24 A new Saddell & furniture

vj li.

ij new Motley Saddells

XXX s.

A barrell of Sturgeon

L s.

Hem Sed for Quail es

xd.

A lode of rushes ....

XV 5.

Sundry of my Men to bye Cotes

vj li.

Aug; 8. 9

xiij lb of Hopps ....

iiij s. iiij d.

4 lb of W ax Lights 2 in lb

iiij s.

22. 23

Printed Paper ...

xijs.

Sundrie of the blacke gard traveling'

> viijs. vj d.

i l i

by the way . . .J

Sep 1

My L. of Lestors Cookes

iiij li.

To Harbingers ...

XX s.

To the Usher

iij ft. vj s. viijd.

To Cookes to visit me * ,

XX s.

1 Cent , or Saint, was played by counting the cards, and probably did not differ much from
Picquet. — Strutt’s Sports, &c. p. 248.

b Similar to this expression is the passage in Shakespeare’s King John. Act 2. Scene 1.

“ To make a more requital to your love.”

VOL. XIX. 2 Q

298

Extracts from the Household Book

Sep. 28
to Oct. 4

8 & 9

17 & 18

22 23

Not 3. 4

28 29
Dec1- 5. 6

7. 8. 9

Jany 21 to'
19 Feby

1578

XXX11S.

ix d.

ij d.

}

XXX s.
v d.

• • • • j •

mj «.

vjs.

xxxij li.
vj li.

iiijZZ. xvij,

vli.

xs.

xl s.

?For stamping Crabbs . . iij ^9

Vessell lost at the Queen’s being!

here xlvlb. at viijd. le lb. . J
For Pewter at Cambridge which was!

lost at the Q. being here
3 Quarters Crabbs
lxij Lings bowght at Ely faier
(Foot post to London) or as it is
My footman to Court .

20 Stears bowght at Ely faier
20 Weathers
3Clb. of candell
25 Eues and lambs
Geven Elizabeth North for Smocks
L. Lesters plaiers

For a Peticote vj li. gloves xij s. for! y--j ^
buskins xxxxs. . . . .1

Tents of all my Land in Middellsex ^

xxivli. xi vs. vij d. qr : and tents of I ... ...
my lands in Suffolke and Cam- | ^ S' °

bridgsheare xii/z. ys. viiid. oh. .)
ij Hogsheds of Wine & Carrs. . . x li.

to La. N. . . . . xh.

A Supper for my L. of Surrey, be side ^
all my P’vision, at Cambridg . . j x^v,y*

Geven Bess North to buy a Peticote vijs.

To a purswivant . . . . ys.

Velvet, lace, and making of a doblet>

& hose of leather . . ^ vij/Z. vs.

A fanne of feathers . . . xxxiijs. iiijd.

ij Toones of Claret & 1 hoggeshead.

of white bowght at Lynne . r xxvij li. ys. xd.

Mar. 7
8

12. 13. 14

Apr 8. 9
16
25

June 2

8. 9
14

17 to 29

June 16

Aug’ 12
17

Sep. 14

of the Lord North , t. Q. Eliz.

A Butt of Sacke from London xli
carieng the same xxvj s. viij d.

The footman to runn to London .
For riding rodds
1579

For walking Staves

j-xj/i. vjs. viij rf.

iijs. vj d.
iijs.

iij s. vj d.
vijs. xd.
xxxij s.

iij li. vj$. viij c/.

X5.

xiiij s.

Worke done about the chappell
For 4 Quarten rent Wheat
Given to Sarjant Suite a Hogshed,
of Wine ....

To Shutviles Mariaeg
For carieng upp the Q. tenths
A riding Clocke Iij s. doblets 1 s
Silk nether Stocks xls. for Yarne-
hose xxx s. ij hatts xls. ij pair boot
hose xxiiij s. for Camericke an ell ) xvli. viij s. viijtf,
xijs. for Gloves xxs. Garters vj s.

Sweet baggs xxij s. viij d. for Points
4 dozen viij s. . . . .,

Lost at Play .....
ij Paiments of the last Subside^
grawnted, 18 of the Q. ending this
yer 1579 for Kirtling Parsonag 35.:
xij for quitance

3 Quarten of bay Salt at viij s. the Qn i

ij Qua11 of Whight Salt at viij s. le L iij Zi. xvj^.

Qn xliiij s. Clb. of candell xxxij s.

For working a flanell Peticote . . xiijs. iiij</.

The Bishop of Ely for conveying a v
Leas to me of the p’ions and amerce- > xx li.
ments of the Yle . . .3

Lost to the Queen .... iiij li. xs.

H. North at his parting to YrlandA

xxvij li. besid all furniture ; geven r xxviij li.
his ij Men xxs. apece .

2 Q 2

xxvj li.

xxxvij s.

300 Extracts from the Household Book

Oct 6 To Roges for pas ports . . ij s.

12. 13 3 Yards of Tawniy for a Carpet fori

ye littell parlor . . . £ xx^ s‘

25 Adam to cristen his Child

1580

XXX s.

xxviij li.

xiiij li. vj s.

Jany 20.21 ij Toon of Wine at Yps witch . .

Mar. 14 for the diet of the Justice of assise

to 25 and other Justices at Ely for vj

meales xii li. for hors meat there
for the Justices horses xxxs. for
my horsmeat xvj s.

Geven in sondrie places in Norfolke) .

at xi severall howses . . . j V1^ VU* S

Geven H. North toward apparrell J

xxij li & paid for him beside y‘ he r Ixxvij li
spent in Yrland xxxli.

Apr 18 tol

May 8 J Aparrell ....

Linnen cloth for the howse
Law matters ....

9 To Soams christening

15 to 17 To my L of Lesters Plaiers

July 10 f

to 12 "i A foot post from London

16 to 23 vj Bucks ....

A Stagg ....

Aug6tol7 ij Clb. of Candells

Dec7to 10 200lb. of Candell

200 both to be delivered before Jany vi

xlij li.

xlij li.
mj It.

liiis. iiijd.
xxv s.

111J 5.

xl s.
xiij s

iiij d.
iij lb. vjs. viijd.
iij li.

11J ll.

1581

Jany9to25 Charges of Justices Diet at Ely) . .

7 > ix li. in s. mj d.

Mar. - - l J J

assizes

May *9 t0 Silver Rapeir 34 Ownzes

xj li.

301

of ' the Lord North, t. Q. Eliz.

May 24

A Cupp of gold xxxvi Oz at lvs. the Oz and iiijs. the Oz.

the making Cyj li. iiij s. Geven Away.

Lost at Play

xx viij li.

ij Toons Gascoin Wine

xxxiiij li.

A butt of Sack ....

xii.

Apr & June Appavell . ....

xlij li. xviij s. xj d.

May 24 ]

Lost at Play ...

xxx li.

to 17JuneJ

Buildg a howse over my bowling alie

xvj li. xs.

21 to 22

For a Garter to were my ring bye i
(at Market) . . . '

> xvj d.

Aug 7

For Bagots Pasture and Meadow"
lieng in Mildenhall ijCxxiiij li. xs.
for writings and assurance wh cown-
sell in Lawe viij li. to the Attorney
for the Lease of Michell howse in
Mildenhull iCij li. v s. for Assurance

iijCxxxv/*. xvs.

XX S • • • • • •

Board wags of xii men xii daies
vij score Yards of freese (for Liveries)
A Clock geven to my L. of Lester'

vij li. iiij

viij Zz. iijs. iiij d.

:v«.x.

with a diall . . . . i

Oct 29

A Cup to geve my Ladie Penelope'

to hir Marriadg xi li. xvj s.

Nov 12

4 Servis bookes ....

viijs. viijd.

Geven John North to his Mariaeg .

Leverais Ls. other gifts at the Ma-'

......

riaeg xl s.

► U1J ll.

Nov 20

Froggs and Flies for the Queens Gloves

\s.

Gloves for the Queen xvs. for myself

vij 5.

Making a horss amble

xiijs. iiij d.

Dec 13

A Pownd made and sett upp at Cowlinge xxxv s. iiij (l. oh.

Pr’sents against New Yr Day .

Iiij.?. xd.

vj Cotes of Plate ....

iij li.

Jany 1

Newe Yeres Gifts

xxxij s.

302

XXXIII. An Inquiry concerning the Kings of the East Angles ,
from the Murder of Ethelhert in 792, to the Accession of Edmund
the Martyr in 855. By Thomas Amyot, Esq. F.S.A. in a
Letter addressed to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 22d June, 1820.

James Street, Buckingham Gate,

DEAR SIR 21 June, 1820.

Our learned Director, Mr. Combe, in his “Account of some Saxon
Pennies found at Dorking,” a has communicated to the Society his
belief that the coins which have been hitherto attributed to Aethelheard
king of the West Saxons, belong in reality to some unknown king,
named Aethelweard , who reigned over the East Angles. This opinion,
which has since been quoted by our late member, Mr. Ruding, in the
second edition of his valuable “ Annals of the Coinage of Britain;” b
certainly derives much weight from the close resemblance of the coins
in question to those of Edmund the Martyr, the last of the East
Anglian Princes. The resemblance indeed is so exact, as to extend
(as Mr. Combe observes,) even to the formation of the letters, and the
names of the money ers. It would therefore warrant a conjecture -that
Aethelweard, if not the immediate predecessor of Edmund, was not
long anterior to him. The history of the East Anglian branch of the
Heptarchy, is in fact very imperfectly related by our earlier chro¬
niclers, particularly during about sixty-three years which preceded
the reign of Edmund ; that is, from 792 to 855 ; and as no light has
been thrown on that period of its annals by our later historians, 1
have ventured to think, that, with reference to Mr. Combe’s observa¬
tions, it might not be wholly unacceptable to the Society, to be fur¬
nished with the result of a collation which I have made of the few
original authorities of that age which are now remaining to us.

1 Archaeologia, Vol. XIX. p. 111.

b Vol. I. p. 321.

303

On the Kings of the East Angles.

The period during which the East Anglian history is more than
usually obscure, commences with the murder of king Ethelbert at the
court of the Mercian Monarch Offa. That event (the remarkable
circumstances of which have been copiously, but variously related) *
is stated in the Saxon Chronicle to have taken place in 792, b though
Florence of Worcester assigns it to the following year.c After this,
Malmsbury says, few kings reigned in the East Angles until the time
of Edmund, pro violentid Merciorum. It seems probable indeed, that
during the remainder of Offa’s life, as well as in the reigns of Egferth
and Kenwulf, his sons and successors, the East Angles had no kings,
having been subjected to the Mercian sway through the successful
result of that cruel policy which had prompted the murder of their
sovereign. But it is ascertained that they had afterwards kings whose
names have not been transmitted to us. Even during the reigns of
Offa’s sons, it does not appear that the Mercian kings assumed their
ill-acquired East Anglian title; for in Kenwulf’s Charter to the Abbey
of Croyland, preserved by Ingulf, d as well as in others which have
been published by Dugdale and Hearne,® he simply styles himself Rex
Merciorum. Kenwulf, according to the Saxon Chronicle, died in 819.
Mr. Carte/ says, he was slain in an insurrection of the East Angles,
and erroneously quotes the Saxon Chronicle as his authority. No
such cause is assigned to this event, either in that record, or by
Florence, or Malmsbury ; and Carte’s authority was probably Brom-
ton,s who seems to have confounded Kenwulf with one of his succes¬
sors named Beornwulf, hereafter noticed.

Whether the East Angles revolted from or remained subject to
Kenwulf’s immediate successors on the Mercian throne, Kenelm and

1 The fullest account I have met with, is in Bromton (Twysd. X Script. Col. 750, &c.) who
wrote indeed many centuries afterwards, but might have had access to authorities which no
longer exist.

b P. 65. edit. 1601. c P. 281. edit. 1592. d Ingulf, p. 6. Oxon. 1684.

e Mon. Anglic, vol. I. p. 100, 101. &c. Hemingi Chart. Wigorn. vol. 1, p. 1, 23, 25,
From many other Charters preserved in the latter work, it appears that Rex Merciorum \>as
the title borne by Kenwulf s predecessors, as well as more generally by Offa before the mur¬
der of Ethelbert.

f Vol, I. p. 275.

* Col. 776.

304

On the Kings of the East Angles.

Ceolwulf, does not appear. Their reigns were turbulent and tran¬
sitory, for the former was murdered, and the latter deposed, in the
short space of two years.3 Beornwulf, the successor of Ceolwulf, is
said by Malmsburyb to have been slain by the East Angles, in an
attempt to compel their allegiance to him as subjects of Mercia
from the time of Offa. This event took place in 823, and it is
remarkable that both Florence and the Saxon Chronicle relate, that
on this occasion the East Anglians and their King , had sought the
protection of Egbert against the Mercian yoke.0 The name of this
king I do not find in any place recorded, but his existence is thus
ascertained from the two best authorities of the times.

After the death of Beornwulf, the Mercian Crown devolved on
Ludecan, whose reign was of no longer duration than that of his pre¬
decessor had been, and met with a similar termination ; for in 825
(according to Florence*1) in seeking to revenge Beornwulf’s death, he
was also killed in a battle with the East Angles, cum rege suo. The
Saxon Chronicle, on this occasion, neither notices the East Anglian
king, nor mentions by whom, or in what engagement Ludecan was
slain, but that he fell in a contest with the East Angles, is confirmed
by Ingulf and Malmsbury. The Chronicle merely says, that he was
slain with his five Ealdormen , which Florence has rendered Duces.

The success of this last battle seems to have secured to the East
Angles that independence of the Mercian yoke, which with such
courage and perseverance they had been struggling to maintain.
Their protector, Egbert, within two years afterwards, subdued Mercia,
which however was still permitted to retain its own kings, subordinate
and tributary to the West Saxon Monarch. The East Anglian king¬
dom appears to have been held on the same tenure, for there is no

4 Flor. Wig. p. 286. Malms, p. 33. Ingulf, p. 7- Oxon. 1684. Alured Beverl. p. 87- The Sax.
Chron. does not notice either the accession or death of Kenelm. But that he succeeded his
father Kenwulf when a child, and was shortly after murdered by order of his sister Quen-
drida, are facts related by other historians, and by some of them very circumstantially.
b P. 33. 0 Sax. Chron. p. 71. Flor. Wig. p. 287.

A Flor. Wig. p. 288. Malms, p. 33. Ingulf, p. 7- Alured. Beverl. p. 87. Ethelwerd on this
occasion seems to have confounded Ludecan with Beornwulf, p. 842.

306

On the Kings of the East Angles.

ground to believe that it was actually annexed to Egbert’s territories.
On the contrary, the kingdoms under his immediate government were
but four, namely, those of Kent, and the West, East, and South
Saxons. Over the others, as it appears from the Saxon Chronicle,*
he merely exercised that superintending control which had been
already enjoyed by seven preceding monarchs, at various periods of
the Saxon Heptarchy.5 The internal government, therefore, of the
East Angles continued to be administered by its separate kings.
Their names indeed have long been buried in oblivion, owing prin¬
cipally perhaps to the destruction by the Danes of the records of the

* P. 71. See also Ethelwerd, p. 842, edit. Francof. 1601, and Flor. Wigorn. p.288.

b The story of Egbert’s Coronation at Winchester as King of England, and of his Edict
for changing the name of the Country, as related by Dugdale from the Winchester Annals,
(Monast. Anglic, vol. 1, p. 32) has been credited by Stow, Tyrrell, and Strutt, but rejected
by Mr. Turner and Mr. Lingard. Mr. Turner has truly observed, that these facts are not
noticed by the best authorities. But Egbert’s occasional assumption of the title of Rex An -
glorurn (which rests on the authority of a Charter in theTextus Roffensis, p. 97, supposed by
Mr. Turner to be a forgery) is'perhaps not wholly inconsistent with the supreme sovereignty
which he claimed and obtained over the tributary kingdoms. Indeed, if an instrument which
has been preserved by Hearne be authentick, that title had already been borne by the Mercian
King OfFa (see Hemingi Chartul. Wigorn. vol. 2, p. 377,) and although it does not appear
that Ethelwulf and his sons, the immediate successors of Egbert, adopted the style of Reges
Anglorum, yet Mr. Turner seems to have been too hasty in asserting that they always signed
themselves Kings of the West Saxons ; for the same volume (p. 375, 37 6) contains two
documents in which Ethelbald (to whom his father Ethelwulf had bequeathed the separate
government of the West Saxons only) is styled King of the South Angles. In the Textus
Roffensis (p. 106) I find a Charter in which Ethelwulf himself is called by the more extensive
title of Rex Saxonum. It may be further observed that Alfred, in a Charter dated 889 (Hem¬
ingi Wigorn. p. 43) writes himself Rex Anglorum et Saxonum, thus appearing to distinguish
the classes of people over whom he governed ; though in his will, as Mr. Turner has remarked,
he is styled King of the West Saxons, and by Asser Angulsaxonum Rex. These diversities
(which might be further multiplied) would hardly deserve notice, if they did not appear to
shew that, in this early period, the nature and extent of the dominion of the West Saxon
monarchs over the neighbouring territories were not very accurately defined. There seems
no reason therefore to impeach the authenticity of the Rochester Charter, for having fixed on
Egbert a title which was not new •, more especially as it appears from Mr. Turner’s own
■ statement, that the name Angli had been common to the Saxons established in this Island,
even as far back as in the time of Bede.

2 R

VOL. XIX.

306

On the Kings of the East Angles.

Monastic Institutions within this ill-fated district.8 Engaged in con¬
tinual warfare with their invaders, the history of the East Angles, from
the close of their contests with the Mercians, till the death of Edmund,
(a period of about forty-five years) appears to have had little con¬
nexion with that of their Anglo-Saxon neighbours, and was therefore
but slightly noticed by them in the scanty annals of that period
which have survived to us.

Whatever may have been the cause of this silence, I have not been
able to find any East Anglian kings either named or alluded to, from
the year 825, until the period when Edmund is said to have been
adopted in the Holy Land, by a king named Offa. But as Offa is
neither mentioned by the early authorities from whom these facts have
been extracted, nor by Abbo Floriacensis, the ancient biographer of
Edmund, his existence, as well as the romantick story with which
he is connected, may well be doubted. Indeed Asser,b as well as
Abbo, expressly derives Edmund’s birth from the royal line of the
East Angles. That one of this royal line was the Aethelweard pointed
out by Mr. Combe, seems at least very probable. I am even inclined
to hazard a conjecture that the ancient and royal town of Attlcburgh
in Norfolk, which is said by Galfridus de Fontibus to have been

a By consulting Tanner’s Notitia, and more particularly Mr. R. Taylor’s elaborate and
well executed “ Index Monasticus” of the East Angles, (published since the above paper
was read to the Society) it will appear that very few of the religious institutions of that
kingdom survived the Danish invasion.

b Annales, ed. Gale, p. 159. The story of Offa seems first to have been related by Galfridus
de Fontibus, in his work “ de Pueritia sancti Edmundi.” See Batteley’s and Yates’s histories
of St. Edmondsbury. Florence, (p. 300) speaking of Edmund, says, “ex antiquorum Saxonum
prosapia oriundus.” This may perhaps be thought to allude to the Saxons of the continent,
as contradistinguished from the Anglo-Saxons. Milton, however, understood it differently,
for he has described Edmund to have been " lineal from the ancient stock” of the East
Anglian kings. In a Legend, edited by Mabillon, a story appears respecting a king named
Adalbert, the brother and predecessor of Edmund, and who is said to have reigned 37 years,
and 7 months ; but Archdeacon Batteley supposes this account to have been founded on
mistake, and that Ethelbert, who was murdered at Offa’s Court, was the king meant to be
alluded to.

307

On the Kings of the East Angles.

founded by a king named Athla (or Attlinge as he is corruptly
named in the manuscript romance of Brame, the Thetford Monk)
may have really derived its name from Aethelweard; a suggestion
which is not at variance with the supposition of Mr. Le Neve, that
it was founded by an Aetheling , or Saxon of distinguished rank,
and which is at least much more plausible than the derivation pro¬
posed by Blomefield. a I cannot think that either At-le- Burgh,
(the town at the Burgh), or At-Ving- Burgh (the Burgh at the Marsh),
affords a satisfactory explanation. The derivation I have offered
may appear to receive some support from the manner in which Gal-
fridus, (followed by Slow and others), had written the name of the
town, viz. Athel-bourh , or Athelburgh. It is certain that this town
was of such distinguished importance before the Conquest, that the
tradition of its having had a Royal Founder is by no means an im¬
probable one.

With this conjecture, submitted without confidence to its fate, I
will close a notice, which, scanty as are its materials, may still be
thought more minute and detailed than the uninteresting nature of the
subject could require. To pursue it further, “ though” (in the lan¬
guage of Milton) “ it might be done without long search, were to
encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names to little purpose.”

I remain, Dear Sir,

Most sincerely yours,

THOMAS AMYOT.

To Henry Ellis, Esq. Sec. S.A.

* Hist. Norf. vol. 1. p. 340. fol. The supposed Athla or Attlinge is indeed referred to a
former age, but the tradition of the foundation of Attleburgh by an East Anglian king
might have reached Galfridus, and the chronology might have been easily confounded by him.
As for Brame’ s work, which still exists among the MSS. left by Archbishop Parker to Bene’t
College, and of which specimens have been given by Martin, in the Appendix to his History
of Thetford, I had a hope that, notwithstanding its absurdities, it might, on examination, be
found to throw some light on the subject of this paper. But a careful examination of it,
obligingly undertaken at my request by two intelligent friends at Cambridge, has fully
ascertained its worthlessness in this as well as in other respects.

308

XXXIV. An Account of some Discoveries made in taking down the
old Bridge over the River Teign , and in excavating the ground to the
depth of fifteen feet five inches helow the surface of the water.
By P.T. Taylor, Esq. Communicated by Samuel Lysons, Esq.
V.P. F.R.S.

Read 5th March, 1818.

In the year 1814 the justices of the county of Devon resolved, at
their quarter sessions, to rebuild the bridge over the river Teign
(commonly called Teign-bridge), situated on the turnpike-road leading
through Newton Abbot and Totness, to Plymouth.

In 1815 the work commenced, and as it was undertaken on urgent
representations of its necessity, made by the writer of this account, he
considered it to be his duty as a justice, resident within four miles of
the spot, to pay particular attention to its progress, and to take care
that the road and bridge constructed for the temporary accommoda¬
tion of the public should be kept in constant repair.

The river Teign rises in Dartmoor, and after a course of twenty-five
miles, during which it receives many tributary streams, discharges
itself into the sea at Teigmnouth. The common tides reach no higher
than the old weir for catching salmon, about half a mile below the
bridge, but the spring tides (according to the report of Mr. J. Green,
the surveyor of the county), a rise nearly as high as the level of the
water at the bridge.

Without doubt the estuary, which now terminates at the old weir,
extended formerly for several miles above Teign-bridge, and many

* The old arches of Teign-bridge spring at of a foot above the common height of
spring tides, or at such time of the spring, when at Teignmouth the tide rises 22 feet.

(Signed) JAMES GREEN,

Surveyor of County Bridges.

300

Discoveries on taking down Tein-bridge.

hundred acres, then covered by every tide, are now, by the accumu¬
lation of alluvial soil, converted into rich pasturage.

The bridge of two arches, through which the river flowed in 1815,
before the new work began, was built of grey limestone in a very
rough manner ; the arches were turned on abutments of twenty-one
inches thick, erected on the springs of the arches of a former bridge,
the angles of which springs projected three feet from the piers ; so that
the waterway below those springs was twenty feet clear, and above
them sixteen feet and a half. The time when even this bridge was
built is unknown, and it was certainly a very ancient structure.

The second, to be called for distinction the red bridge (it being built
of a hard fine red sandstone, rising in strata, in the adjoining parish of
Bishops Teignton), was a work executed with great care ; the masonry
and cement excellent. The arches were turned with the red stones,
twenty inches in length, and from three to five in thickness. Imme¬
diately above them another arch was turned of the same stones,
seventeen inches in length, and projecting two inches over the lower
arch; the piers and abutments were also of the same stone; the thick¬
ness of the piers twelve feet; the heighth from the pavement (of coarse
stones taken from the Teignmouth Cliffs) to the spring of the arch was
five feet; the rise of the arch from the spring also five feet, and a
paved road was visible a few inches above the arches. The first and
second arches of the red bridge were destroyed to build a higher
bridge on their springs, as before noticed; the third was buried in the
alluvial soil, but perfect in 1815, when it was destroyed to make room
for one of the platforms laid to receive the foundations of the new
bridge ; the fourth and fifth still remain entire, and buried under the
road.

On sinking under the first arch of the red bridge to lay the other plat¬
form, rhomboidal frames of oak were discovered bedded in a stratum
of loose stones and gravel.3 On the angles of these frames the pier and

a These oak timbers appeared, when first taken up, to be sound, and not discoloured ■, no
one would have then supposed they had been twenty years in the water. One log was sawn
for the writer of this account into three inch planks ; it opened like a fresh cut tree, but.

310

Discoveries made in taking down

abutment were built. These frames had evidently, from their position,
no relation to the superstructure, but were probably the basis of a
wooden bridge a in use prior to the building of the red bridge, and the
places where upright pieces had been morticed to these frames were
visible. The timbers were from seventeen to twenty-four inches
square ; the side pieces eleven or twelve, and the center twenty-three
feet in length. Under these no ancient work was discovered; but on
removing the pavement of coarse stone under the third arch, a frame
of oak timbers of the same square dimensions, but of a different form,
was discovered, at exactly the same depth with the frames of the first
arch, which was evidently a continuation of the wooden bridge. On
this being removed, the piers of another bridge of fine white free-stone,
ashler laid, were discovered ; one pier of the red bridge was built
perpendicular on one of these piers, their dimensions being the same ;
but the waterway of this bridge had been twenty-one feet six inches,
therefore, the corresponding pier was not perpendicular on its base,
but overhung eighteen inches, which eighteen inches rested on the
wooden frame. These white stone piers stand on wooden platforms
twenty-two feet five inches below the level of the meadow, fifteen
feet five inches below the surface of the river, and the platforms on
which the abutments of the new arch, fifty feet in span, are built,
are laid at the same depth.

Nothing is to be found at all satisfactory concerning the antiquity
ofTeign-bridge; the springs of the arches of the red bridge were visible
to every eye, and believed to be Roman. The writer of this account
is no antiquary, but will offer his conjectures. He supposes the last
or upper work to have been done in the sixteenth century; the red
bridge to have been built in the salt marsh in the thirteenth century ;

though placed in a dry loft, the wood has since cracked and shrunk mueh, and has assumed a
very dark colour. Some of this wood, in the possession of a neighbouring gentleman, is now
as dark as ebony.

* I suspect the stratum of stone and gravel in which the wooden bridge was bedded, and
on wiiich the red bridge was founded, to be factitious ; but it did not occur to me to ascer¬
tain this fact during the short time the work was open.

311

the old Bridge over the River Teign.

since which time there has been an accumulation of soil to the depth
of ten feet. He supposes the wooden bridge to be as old as the
Conquest, and the white stone bridge to have been a Roman work.a

Teign-bridge, and its appendages, repaired at the expense of the
county, extends nearly two-thirds of a mile ; 840 feet of it were rebuilt
and widened about six years since: pavements, and traces of old
buildings were every where found, but none that appeared worthy of
record. A roman road, the Fosse-way, certainly crossed the marshes
in this place, b connecting the chain of fortified camps which extend
along the coast, and particularly Ugbrooke Park four miles to the
north, and Denbury-down three miles to the south of this bridge.0
We know from Doomsday-book, that the hundred of Teignbridge
existed in the reign of William the Conqueror ; it is therefore reason¬
able to suppose that the bridge which gave the name to the Hundred6
existed also, and not only at that time, but in the time of Alfred, who
is supposed to have first divided the kingdom into Counties, and the
Counties into Hundreds.6

a It was reported that a plate of some metal, having on it the figure of a Dog or Lion,
was found by the workmen near the foundation of the white stone bridge. Persuasion and
liberal offers, and afterwards threats were used to recover it, but without success. Some
said it was of bronze with an inscription, and others that it was the iron back of an old
chimney. Valuable or not it is lost.

b The writer of this Article, believes the Fosseway to have been a Roman work, and the
white stone bridge to have been a part thereof : but he by no means asserts that the neighbour¬
ing camps are Roman ; only that the camps in this part of Devonshire, whether formed by
Romans, Saxons, Danes, or Britons, were connected with, and had some reference to this
Roman road.

e Denbury Down, a camp of nearly ten acres, is pronounced to be a Danish encampment,
Denbury being interpreted Danes-buryj the ancient name was however Devenibyr, or
Devenibyrie ; this name had certainly nothing to do with the Danes.

d The only notice of Teignbridge hundred in Doomsday-book occurs in tom. i. fol. 101 a.

" Manerio Mortone pertinet tertius denarius de Tanebrige Hvnd.”

* The division of the western part of Devonshire may perhaps with more propriety be
attributed to Athelstan, who, thirty-six years after the death of Alfred, conquered this
county, driving the Cornish (who had occupied it from the evacuation of Britain by the
Romans) beyond the Tamer. Totnes, therefore, is described as being in Angulo Cornubiae.

312

Discoveries made in taking doxvn

EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES IN THE PRESENT VOLUME
WHICH ILLUSTRATE THIS ACCOUNT.

PI. XVI. A — Elevation of the remains of four distinct bridges as they stood
when the new bridge was begun in 1815. The dark line marks the
surface of the ground and the bed of the river at that time ; the strata
of alluvial soil to the depth of twenty-five feet are also represented.

- B — Plan of the position of the oak frames, supposed to have been the

basis on which a wooden bridge was erected.

- C — Sketch of the bridge of two arches, in use in 1814.

- D — Sketch of the red bridge, as it probably appeared when perfect,

and in use.

PI. XVII. A — The plan of Teign-bridge. Three thousand four hundred and one
feet of masonry and road are maintained by the county. The
number of arches has been greatly diminished by the late im¬
provements, but thirteen of different dimensions still remain.

- B — Section of the old road, where the temporary channel was formed,

to convey the waters of the Teign whilst the bed of the river (se¬
cured by two strong dams) was pumped dry, in order to find a
proper foundation for the platforms on which the abutments of the
new bridge are built. Two ancient roads, with parapet walls, were
hereby rendered visible, the lowest of which was paved; a flood
bared the crown of an arch apparently ten or twelve feet wide,
three feet and upward beneath the lowermost road, and six feet
beneath the surface of the meadows. If the stones with which this
arch was turned were fourteen inches in depth, its summit would
be only four inches higher than the springs of the arches of the
red bridge. This work, therefore, may fairly be supposed coeval
with the white stone bridge.

- C — Plan of Denbury Down, in the parish of Torbryan. The area of the

entrenchment contains nine acres, one rood, and one perch. This
hill commands an uninterrupted view of the country for six or
seven miles in every direction ; and twenty-two parish churches
are visible from it.

- - D — Plan of the encampment in Ugbrooke Park, drawn for me by the

Hon. Hugh Clifford. The circular work contains about six acres.
The imperfect work would have been very large if completed, per¬
haps thirty acres. The situation is commanding.

Plate XVI .

VOJy. XjX. J). J2 Z .

Teign

1814

J? J3as£re sc.

Peel/

Tie a Loam I
and Sand j

Bl/ue dfud j
and Sand

Gravel and
Stones

Bdue Mud/ (

f 6

Tepth a/lcnorra
Opeziel to. _ 26

5*1 ate XVH,

mm.

W»f#i»l

Section of the Hoad at the temporary £rufye, discovering the remains oftH'O ancient highways f the hirer
pared) and the O-own of an Arch, ten feet behm' thedioad, and under die tdiannel of die temporary diver.

. Tames Bast/'e. sculp.

' •*»»»>.

i»*m-

wh«

■snvWi*'

flWwiw .

.lerx*,.

\>J*WW/ •;

.fWWW.

Uf8*.K>

.t»TVW

.^ntyf

-..rjttt.
**»*&•». .

:.\Wv -.-.-

F ..-*#**.
■ j«tv. r

.,. r*itf«h7

rMV**-

■on*-'. ,«■

Mil/zam the 7TZ. anchored in Torhay JZ0VT4 hfdd. landed his Army on the Aand 6*1 mi the 7 .he creme to
Szr TVddam, Umrterur) is /house, afford, within 7iaZf a. mile of dir encampment. in v/7uch Tiir dank, of Artillery was

stationed, and die Army on the ad/acenfhdeatd .

Section of the Cncampment. at the Mach line.

Start

the

Castle- Cte Id .

Slate XV 111 o

roi.ux.p.ziz .

JLncampment on /mlherdoirn, near SSuton Abbot. containing altogether 20

- - - center measures 3 a. or. z£ n ° ° *

a. or. 2

7P ■

A ■••JlfJ.tKwj >wnj-

■V'**

O as tie Ci eta

tfJh.

V' ^'l^t \"iz4H

w^Wi--. .......

t, -^r — \ v/fe

- -

- - _

- — • -* ^

-*«?. .

Published by the So deft' of ^dntiyuaries of London, rfy/rfl 2jriLL8zi .

7Vu’ cent re y/ rch of the Jteil Bridge. whieh Mas entirely Juried in alluvial soil, opened inzdzd. and destroyed to make room for the abutment afthe Heir Btiefye .

313

the Old Bridge over the river Teign.

o o

PI. XVIII. A — Encampment on Milber Down, about a mile and a half from
Teign-bridge.

* - B — Section of the encampment. — From this section it appears that

this encampment is on the declivity of a hill, which continues to
rise for near half a mile. It would have been as near to water
on the summit, as in its present situation. The origin and uses
of this curious work are not obvious to the writer, one half of
the ground being planted and impenetrable. The accuracy of his
measurements are not to be depended upon.

* C Highwick Castle-field, and plan. — Highwick is half a mile to

the south-west of Teign-bridge, on the summit of a hill. A farm¬
house thereon, is called Castle-ditch. The field behind the house
is called the Castle-field. This castle must have been a very
insignificant building. The area has not been measured, but it
does not contain one eighth of an acre. The dark line marks
the course of the supposed walls, but no vestiges of masonry are
at present visible.

PI. XIX. The center arch of the red bridge.

2 s

VOL. XIX.

314

XXXV. An Account of an unprinted English Poem , written in the
early part of the fourteenth Century , hy Richard de Hampole, and
entitled 44 Stimulus Conscienticef or 44 The Prick of Conscience
By Joseph Brooks Yates, Esq. Communicated to the Society
by Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S . Secretary.

Read 14th Dec. 1820.

Of all the important changes produced by the N orman conquest
upon the people of England, perhaps none is more remarkable than
that which took place with respect to their language. The dialect
which at that time prevailed was the Danish Saxon, of which several
specimens in verse and prose have been preserved in our manuscript
libraries. There is indeed evidence to shew, that even previously to
the descent of William, there was among the English considerable
affectation of the Norman customs and language; and this circum¬
stance may have facilitated the designs of the invader. Be this
however as it may, one of the first efforts of his policy, was to ob¬
literate as much as possible the language of the country.*1 The court
became of course wholly French, and so continued for more than two
succeeding centuries. A great part of the ancient metrical romances
existing in that language, were composed, not for the court of Paris,
but for that of London, during this period : and the exploits of the
British Princes, Arthur and “ Richarde Cceur de Lion,” were sung
originally in the verses of French minstrelsy. The laws were ordered
to be administered in the same tongue, which was even introduced
into schools, to the exclusion of the native language. A barbarous
and irregular dialect was in consequence formed, which, as might be
expected, does not present a single example of elegant composition
either in verse or prose. During this remarkable period, the English

4 This intention of the Conqueror, has been disputed by Mr. Tyrwhitt, and Mr. G. Ellis.
Their arguments however, do not seem entitled to much consideration when weighed against
the direct testimony of ancient historians.

315

An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscientitf” 8$c.

language found in Scotland that protection which was denied to it in
the southern division of Britain.3

It was only during the reign of the third Edward, when the in¬
fluence of the Commons began to prevail, that a stop was put to
further inroads upon the native tongue. This great prince, yielding to
the wishes of his English subjects, and willing to remove a badge of
conquest, abolished the use of the Norman French in the public and
judicial proceedings, and allowed the substitution of the language of
the country. At this epoch, therefore, the history of our literature
may be said to commence; and however uncouth the first efforts
may appear, they are well worthy of attention, as tending to exhibit
the rude foundations of that glorious and massive superstructure
which English literature has conspired with English arts and valour
to erect.

Dr. Johnson has well remarked, b that “ Geoffry Chaucer may
perhaps with great justice be styled the first of our versifiers who
wrote poetically.” He was indeed a Poet fit for the splendid period
wherein he flourished ; a period, in which information and refinement
made a most sensible progress in superseding the rough manners of
our forefathers. The Conqueror of Scotland and of France, had
diffused around his court the romantic embellishments of chivalry,
and introduced among his people a taste for luxury, commerce, and
the arts.

At the commencement of this brilliant reign, however, and imme¬
diately preceding Chaucer, there appeared some efforts of the Muse,
which from the circumstances above stated, are rendered very curious
and interesting. One of these is a didactic poem, called “ Stimulus
Conscientiae,” or “ The Prickc of Conscience,” generally ascribed to

1 An exposition of the claims of the Scottish Bards, may be found in Sir Walter Scott’s
ingenious introduction to the Metrical Romance of f Sir Tristrem.’

The merits and history of the Anglo-Norman poets, are most ably enlarged upon by the
Abbfe de la Rue, in his various communications to the Society of Antiquaries, printed in the
Xllth and XHIth Volumes of the Archaeologia.

b Preface to his Dictionary.

2 s 2

c goad or spur.

3]6

An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscientice

Richard Rolle, and never yet printed. It is a work of very consi¬
derable extent, and of great labour and learning; presenting a view
of the morality and the dogmas of the clerical orders of that day,
who were then almost the only depositaries of information, and
arbiters of conscience. From internal evidence it appears certainly to
have had for its groundwork a treatise in Latin prose, which likewise
is attributed to the same writer.

It is true that Warton has denounced this Poem as very dull, and
has “ prophesied that he should be its last transcriber.”8 Ellis,
Campbell, and other succeeding writers have committed themselves
without investigation to the opinion of Warton. Presumptuous as it
may appear in a very humble individual, to defeat the prophecy of so
acute and learned a critic as Warton, I have ventured to transcribe
from a MS. in my possession, and to present some extracts which may
give an idea of the work. Warton’s extracts are taken from the
beginning and the concluding parts only; perhaps, if he had tran¬
scribed or read more largely and attentively, he would have thought the
subject matter more interesting. Moreover, it would appear either
that his transcripts were imperfectly taken, or that the MS. from
which he copied, was itself very imperfect. Numerous proofs of this
were furnished by collating the specimens given in the “ History of
English Poetry ” with the corresponding passages in my manuscript.
Passages altogether unintelligible, or ridiculous in the former, appear-
in the latter quite clear. Take the following as an example :

Warton s Transcript.

“ Certainly ellus he is not wise
“ Bot he knowe kyndely what God es
“ And what raon is that is les
“ Thou febul mon is soule and body
“ Thou strong God is and myghty
“ Thou mon greveth God that doth not welle
“ What mon is worthi therefore to fele

x History of English Poetry, Vol. I. p. 256v

of Richard de Hampole.

317

cr Thou mercyfull and gracious God is
<( And thou full of alle goodness
“ Thou right wis and thou sothfaste
“ What he hath done and shal atte laste
“ And eche day doth to monkynde

“ This schulde eche mon have in mynde.” &c. P. 258.

Corresponding passage in my Manuscript :

“ For he is a foie and nougt wyse,

“ That wol nougt thenk withoute fayntyse
“ How feble man es in soule and body,

“ And how stalworth* God is and how mygtty,

“ How man greveth God and doth nougt wele,

“ And what he is Avorthy therefore to fele,

“ And how mercyful and gracious God es,

<e And how ful he es of godenes,

“ And how rightwise God is, and howe stedfast,

“ And ever doth gode to mankynd fast;

“ Thus schold we knowe and have in mynd
“ What love God hath to mankynd.” &c.

Signature A 3 recto.

The nature of the Work too should be considered : the Avriter was
not sitting down to depict those scenes

“ Where throngs of Knights and Barons bold
“ In weeds of peace high triumphs hold,

“ With store of Ladies, whose bright eyes
“ Rain influence, and judge the prize. &c.

This privilege fell to the lot of that master spirit, who, at a later and
more brilliant period of the same reign, sang, but
“ Left half told

“ The story of Cambuscan bold.”

The task prescribed to our author was to denounce the vices of
mankind, and to declare their consequences; subjects Avhich all the
efforts of modern genius and eloquence so often fail to render pala¬
table. It may be asked, what nation can from the dark periods of its
annals produce a didactic Poem which shall exhibit any considerable
degree of taste or sentiment? To borrotv the expression of that great

a brave

318

An Account of the (( Stimulus Conscientlce ”

Critic, Warton himself,1* “ Men must be instructed before they can be
“ refined ; and in the gradations of knowledge, polite literature does
“ not take place till some progress has first been made in Philosophy.”

It is time however to proceed to the work itself, after saying a few
words concerning the Aid h or of it.

Richard Rolle, commonly called Richard de Hampole, was an
Eremite of the order of St. Augustine. He was a doctor of divinity,
and lived a solitary life near the Priory of Hampole, four miles from
Doncaster, “ where living (says Fuller,) he was honoured, and dead,
“ was buried and sainted.” He was a very popular writer, and in
prophetical denunciations threatened the sins of the nation.1*

He died in the year 1349.c His Latin theological tracts, both in
prose and verse, are numerous, and evince much learning. To him, as
one of the chief precursors of Wickliflfe, our country is indebted for
an English version of the Psalms, and for comments upon various
parts of the Sacred Writings. It would however be foreign to our
present purpose, to consider his pretensions as an expounder and
translator of the Scriptures, which are well worthy of a separate and
more extended investigation than has yet been bestowed upon them.
A brief outline is subjoined in a note.d

His principal pieces of English rhyme, are a Paraphrase of part of
the book of Job ; of the Lord’s Prayer; of the Seven Penitential Psalms ;
and the Prick of Conscience.

a History Eng. Poetry. b Fuller’s Worthies, fol. 1662. p. 193, last part.

c Warton says (History Eng. Poetry, Vol. I. p.256,) he flourished in the year 1349, though
afterwards (p. 265, in a note) gives the year 1348, as the true date of his death. Bale in the
first edition (Wasaliae, 1549) of his f Summarium illustrium script. Maj. Britanniae,’ falls into
the error of stating that Hampole flourished in the year 1430. But in the subsequent edition
which he lived to publish (fol. Basil. 1559,) he thus rectifies his mistake, fObiit anno Christi
1349, in festo Michaelis, honorifice sepultus in Hampolensi monialium coenobio, quod
quatuor passuum milibus distat a Doncastrio, celebri. Eboracensis provinciae oppido, in
sanctos a Papistis, suae olim doctrinae contemptoribus, relatus ac veneratus,’ p.432.

d Lewis, in his History of the English Versions of the Bible, (2d edit. 8° 1739, p. 12 — 16)
speaks of Hampole, as one of the first who attempted to translate into the English then
spoken, the Psalter, and other parts of the Scriptures . “ He translated and wrote a gloss

of Richard de Hampole.

SIS

This work has never been printed, but there are several MSS.
copies of it in the different libraries of this country.

One which is in my possession, appears remarkably legible and
correct, and is evidently contemporaneous with Father Hampole, be¬
ing written in the character used by the Monks towards the middle
of the fourteenth century.11 From many passages in the poem it is
evident, that it was composed by the holy Father of Hampole prin-

in English upon the Psalter.” To his version is prefixed a prologue, before which, in the
imperfect copy in the King’s library, (No. 1512) is the following Rubric — “ Here begynnith
“ the prologe uppon the Sauter that Richard Hermite of Hampole translated into En-
glyshe after the sentence of doctours and resoun.” Lewis then describes the design of
this prologue, and quotes the conclusion of it from the MS. in Sydney Coll. Cambridge,
marked K. 5. 3.&c.j and the commencement of the commentary, which is in English, to¬
gether with the titles of the Hymns and Canticles which follow the Psalter. At p. 32 he
gives Hampole’s translation of the Magnificat.

Dr. Waterland writes much to the same effect with Lewis : see Waterland’s History of
the Athanasian Creed, p. 82.

Pits says, “Relationes Historicae, 4to. 1619, (p. 465.) “ To turn Psalterium ex Latino in
<c Anglicum sermonem vertisse dicitur.”

In a very curious passage of Usher’s “ Historia dogmatica Controversiae inter orthodoxos
“ et pontificios de Scripturis et sacris vernaculis” (edited by Henry Wharton, London,
1690) the following words are used — “ Hampul Eremita, qui Psalterium in linguam Angli-
“ canam transtulit , &c.” p. 163. The same Henry Wharton, in his ‘Auctarium’ annexed to
Usher, p. 428, after some other remarks speaks thus :

“Immo vero tandem comperi versionem Psalmorum Anglicam ab Hampolo evulgatam
fuisse ex testimonio authoris Speculi B. Virginis , (de quo infra p. 447) qui in prologo sic
“ scribit j Paucos admodum Psalmos translates dedi, ideo quod vobis pnesto sint ex Richardi
“ Hampoli versione aut ex Bibliis Anglicis ; modo licentiam eorum legendorum habeatis.”

Since writing the above, information has been received from Cambridge that copies of
Hampole’s English Psalter exist entire in the Sidney, Bene’t, and Trinity libraries. At the
end of the Sidney College MS. is a note, from which it appears that the Sidney MS. is the
most ancient, probably as old as the time of the author ; that the Bene’t copy is later, but
free from interpolation ; and that the Trinity copy is much interpolated. There is in Trinity
library another MS. entitled ‘Commentarii seu Glossae in Psalmos,’ marked B. 1. 15.

* See fac simile specimens of the character used by the Monks of the 14th century, in
Astle’s work on writing, plate 27. The MS. now under consideration presents, in common
with others of the same period, an example of the loose and unsettled mode of spelling which
prevailed.

320

An Account of the “ Stimulus Comcienticc ”

cipally for the pursose of being read by the Monks to the “ lewed,” that
is the lay or unlearned people of England. Accordingly it exhibits a
transcript of the moral and religious opinions which prevailed among
the English people, many of which are retained to this day by their
descendants. It abounds in glosses or paraphrases of passages taken
from Scripture and from the writings of the Fathers, some of which,
even from the former, are misquoted, misinterpreted, and occasionally
interpolated so as to suit the views of the monastic orders.

Some of the Latin metrical quotations are in Leonine or rhyming
verse.

After an invocation of the Holy Trinity, and an exposition of its pri¬
mary attributes, the writer urges upon his hearers the duty of acknow¬
ledging the mercies of Heaven in meekness and repentance. He en¬
forces the necessity of self-knowledge, and enjoins the ignorant to resort
for information to the “ lerid” or learned. He then lays open in the
following manner, the seven grand divisions of his work.

“ This boke as hym self bereth wittenes
“ tn seven parties dyvysid es :

“ The first parte to knowe and have in mynde
“ Es the wrechednes of Mankynde ;

“ The secunde es of condicions sere
“ And the unstabulnes of mannes lif here ;

“ The thridde party is in this boke contenyd to rede
“ Of the deth whiche is to drede ;

“ The furthe partie is of Purgatorie
“ Where soules beth clansid of her folye ;

“ The fyfft es of the day of Dome
“ And the tokenes that bifore schal come ;
u The sixte es of the peynes of Helle
“ There the dampned soules schul dwelle ;

“ The sevent es of the joyes of Heven;
u These beth the parties seven.”

Sign. A. 6 verso.

The author proceeds in the first part to describe the wretched and
degrading terms upon which we hold our frail tenure of human life.

321

of Richard de Hampole.

Beginning with the sordid and helpless condition of infancy, he draws
a faithful picture of man in the subsequent stages of his uncertain being,
the last of which is pourtrayed in the following masterly manner:

“ As man wexeth olde

“ Thanne becometh his kynde a weyke and colde,

“ And thenne anone chaungeth his complexion,

“ And his maners beth turned into another condicion ;

“ For thenne wexeth his hert hevy and hard,

“ And his heved b feble and ever downward ;

“ Thanne ryncleth his face ever more and more,

“ And wexeth fouler than hit was bifore :

“ His mynd es schort when he ougt thenketh,

“ Hys nose droppeth, and foule stynketh,

“ His een wexitli dym and loketh under the browe,

“ Hys bak es croked and geth stowpyng lowe,

" His eeren wexe def, and harde for to here,

“ His tong and his speche may nougt long dure :

“ He es lygtly wroth,0 and also he es froward,

“ And to turn hyme from hit es ful hard ;

“ He es covetouse and wel hard holdyng,

“ His chere d es hevy and ever lowryng,

“ He praysith olde men and holdeth hem wyse,

“ And yong men hym liketh to despise;

“ He es ofte sike and bygynneth to grone,

“ And ofte angry and thereof pleyneth sone;

“ Alle these tliyngis to an olde man falleth.” &c.

Sign. B. 5.

The death of a man is thus described :

“ The ende of mannis lif es ful hard
“ When he draweth to the dethward;

“ For wlienne he is sike in any manere wise,
“ And so sike es that he may nought ryse,

“ Then beth men in doute and uncertyne
“ Whether that he schal ever covere ageyne ;
“ And yut may sume that beth slye
“ Witte whether that he schal lif or deye;

* Nature.

b Head.

0 Easily.

6 Countenance.

322

An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscientice “

“ Thurgh certeyne tokenes in pows ‘ and brethe
“ That bifalleth whenne he es nye the dethe,

“ For thenne bicometh his frounte down to falle,

“ And his browes bicometh (hevy) with alle,

“ Also the lyfft ee of hym schal seme the lasse
“ And narrower then the totlier or he hennis passe ; b
“ His nose at the poynt schal scharp bicome,

“ And his chynne a doune schal be ynome,c
“ His pows schal be stille without steryng,

“ His fete schul wexe colde, his womb d clevyng.

“ And if a yong man nye the deth be
“ He is ever wakyng, for slepe may nought he ;

“ And if an olde man nye the deth be drawing,

“ He schal unnethe kepe hym from slepyng.”

The second book continues and enlarges upon the topics of the
first, and discloses some mystical notions concerning the creation and
government of the world. It sets forth the temptations incident to
human nature, and the necessity of continual vigilance to counteract
them.

8 Pulse.

b The “ slye,” or observant people of this period, had likewise discovered a remarkable
circumstance attending the birth of the human species, which is thus set forth by our author :

“ Unnethe [scarcely] is a child born fully
,r That hit ne bigynneth to cry and wepy,

“ And by that cry men may knowe than
“ Whether hit be or Man or Womman ;

“ For when hit es born and crieth sa,

" If hit be a Man hit crieth a-a-
" Which is the first lettre of the name
“ Of our forme fader Adame ;

“ And if the child a Womman be,

11 When hit es bom hit seyth e-e-
“ That es the first lettre of the hede
“ Of Eve’s name that biganne our dede.” &c.

Sign. A 8 verso.

J Belly.

c Dropped.

of Richard de Hampole. 323

The third part professes to treat of Death, and why it is to be
feared.

The conversation which the Devil had with St Bernard upon his
death-bed, is related, and it is asserted that he appeared to the
Almighty himself, “ Whenne that he deyed and gaf up the gost,”

“ For grete doctours wittnessith hit
“ In hare bokes that beth of holy writ:

“ Thenne semed hit wel” (it is added) “ that he wold thus
“ Suffre the fend of helle to appere to us
“ In the time of deth at our last end,

“ When that we schul from henns wend.”

The writer then states the impossibility of any man’s describing or
painting the infernal fiend, and says,

“ So hardi man was never none
“ That lyved in erthe in flesche and bone,

“ That if he seyg a Devyle in his figure aright,

“ He ne schold for drede of that foule syght
“ Wel sone dye or lese his wit,

“ As sone as he had biholden hit.” &c.

E. 2 verso.

In the fourth part of this Poem the author proceeds to treat of
Purgatory; and many of the leading features of his description closely
resemble those which would be given at this day by a member of the
Romish Church. The “ stede ” or site of Purgatory is said to be,

“ Above the stede as clerks me telle,

“ Wher uncristene dede children dwell,

“ That from the faire sygt of Goddes face
“ Be put for ever withouten eny grace,

“ Thulke stede es even above helle pitte
“ Bitwene Helle and Purgatory sette.” &c.

“ Yet above that there es another place
“ That Crist aftur his deth visited thurgh his grace,

“ And all that were there he with hym toke,

2 T 2

An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscientlcc

324

“ And lefft none therinne, as saith the boke ;

“ Ne fro that tyme as clerks can telle,

“ Never come soules there for to dwelle ;

“ Ne never here aftur schal none therein falle,

“ That place hygta Lymbus among clerks alle,

“ The which es a prison as hit es in bokes founde,

“ Where our soules lay in darkness ybounde.” &c. E. 8.

Among the punishments of Purgatory are enumerated the following:
“ Some for Pride that thai have usid ofte

i _

“ Schal have the cold Fevour that is nothyng softe,

“ For that the soule schal dereb more bitterly
“ Than ever here did Fevoure a mannes body ;

“ And some schal have there for Covetise
“ The Dropsie that thai schal nougt upryse ;

“ For some schal have in hare lif dayes aboute
“ For sleuthe a Potagre, and thereto a cold goute,

“ And Biles, and Felons, and a Posteme thereto,

“ The whiche beth oft into mannes lyms ido ;

“ And some for wrathe schul have the Palsy,

“ The whiche schal do the soul moche vilony ;

“ And some for Glotonye schul have ever more
“ The strait Quynsy that schal greve sore ;

“ And some for synne of Lechery also
“ Schal have the Meselie c winder that thei go.

“ Thus schal the soule dyvers peynes have
“ In Purgatorie that God will save,

“ That on erthe liadde (nougt) very repentaunce

<e And had nougt fulfilled here penaunce.” &c. F. 2 verso.

Then follows an enumeration of the deadly and venial sins, and
the methods of absolution and remission in this world as well as the
next.

1 Is called. From this Limbo of the Schoolmen our great Poet has adopted (with variation*)
his idea of the “Paradise of Fools,” as given in the 3d Book of the “Paradise Lost.”

Hurt. c Leprosy.

of Richard de Hampole.

325

The holy Father goes on to state that the day of Dome or Judgment
would be preceded by the appearance of Antichrist (“ the Devil’s
son” a) upon earth, and the destruction of the Empire of Rome. An¬
tichrist was a prolific theme in the dark ages; it would be tedious to
enumerate the various notions entertained at that time concerning him.
In the present work he is endowed with all the supernatural gifts and
tjualities attributed to Christ in the sacred writings. His progress on
earth is very fully described, the events of his life being the exact
counterpart of those of Jesus Christ, until at last he shall obtain com¬
plete possession of the bodies and the souls of men. “ Then,” says
our author,

“ Grete persecution scliul he wirche
“ Ageynes Christen men and holy churche,

“ For thenne he schal destroy al Christen lawe,

“ And Gog and Magog to hym drawe ;

“ The which beth holden as men telle,

“ The worst folke that on alle the world doth dwelle ;

“ And some saith that thai beth closid holly
“ Biyonde the grete rnounte of Caspy ;

“ But thai beth nougt so enclosid aboute
“ But thai may hem self lygtly wynne oute,

“ And if a quene ne were that ever holdeth hem in
“ Thurg strengthe that thai mowe nought oute wynne,

“ The which is cleped quene b Amerone,

“ Under whose powere thei dwelleth ichone,

“ But yet thai schal oute breke atte last,

“ And destroy meny londs and make hem sore agast.” &c.

H. 7 verso.

The triumphs however of Antichrist’s reign are to be of short duration.

The day of Dome or Judgment is the momentous topic of the
fifth book ; and the signs or tokens of that day are set forth in very
impressive terms, resembling in a considerable degree, the description
of them in Holy Writ.

The awful proceedings of the Judgment are depicted at length,

1 M.S. penes me. h. 2. h Sic: probably intended for ‘ Amazone.’

326 An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscienticc ”

but as these details also bear a close resemblance to those given in
the Scriptures, it will be unnecessary to transcribe them.

The valley of “Jehosephat” is held to be the place from whence Jesus
Christ shall “ dome’’ or judge the world.3 After describing the com¬
placency of the Good, and the dismay of the Wicked, with the fearful
array of accusers marshalled against the latter, the writer presents the
following forcible summary of his ideas on the subject :

“ Therefore men clepe that day
“ The day of wrathe and of wrechednes,

“ The day of bale b and of bittemes,

“ The day of playnyng and of accusyng,

“ The day of ansuere and of streyte reckenyng,

“ The day of drede and of tremblyng,

“ The day of wepynge and of waylyng,

“ The day of Juggement withouten eny lisse,c
“ The day of angur and of anguysse,

“ The day of cryying and nothyng to Wynne,

“ The day of sorowe that never schal blynne/

The day of mournyng and of grete atfray,

“ The day of partyng from Crist away,

“ The day of louryng and of grete derkness,

“ The day that es laste and of most smertnes,

“ The day that God schal make an ende of alle,

“ Thus men may that day scryne e and calle.”

M. 1.

After the day of Judgment, the world shall according to our author
appear “ new made.”

The sixth part treats of the pains or punishments of Hell, which is
stated to be in the centre of the Earth, as the core in the middle of an
apple, or the yolk in an egg. Few mortals having returned after once
visiting that place, the writer intimates the difficulty of procuring
authentic information concerning it, asserting however, that some
intelligence had been received from those few, who by the especial
grace of God, had been raised from the dead. Among these is
instanced Lazarus, who of what

3 Sign. K. 3. verso. b sorrow. c remission. d cease. e describe.

of Richard de Hampolc. 327

“ He then sawe nothyng forgate,

“ Bote sone thereaftur when he alyf sate,

With Crist at mete at Martha’s house
u He tolde of the peynes so hideouse ;

And yut durst he nougt telle the peynes alle
“ For drede of Crist that sat in the hall,

“ And yut lived he thereaftur fulle fyftene yere,

“ And he ne loughed never, ne made no glad chere,

“ For drede of deth that he schold eftesones dye
“ And for the peynes that he sawe with his eye.” M. 6 verso.

There is not space to follow our Author through his masterly de-
vscriptions of the various punishments of Hell : but it is impossible not
to remark the free use that Milton has made of the monkish opinions
of the dark ages upon this subject. The striking, and almost literal
resemblance between certain parts of the present work, and parallel
passages in the “ Paradise Lost,” would almost lead us to imagine,
that our great Poet had before him the work now under consideration.
Compare the following. Father Hampole in speaking of the Dark¬
ness of Hell, says :

“ So thick hit es that Men may hit grope,
c< But the synful may nougt hit awey swope ;

“ For no hert may thenk ne tong telle,

“ The derkenes that es ever in helle.

* * * * *

“ For there es never day but ever nyght,

“ And there brenneth fire — but it giveth no lyght ;

“ But yet the synful openly schal se
“ Alle the sorrowe and care that there schal be,

“ And eche peyne and eche manere tourment
“ Thurg sparcles that aboute hem schal sprent ; *

“ Thus echone of thare peynes schal a sight have
“ Witlioute eny comfort the which mygt hem save.”

N. 1 verso.

Milton writes,

“ A dungeon horrible, on all sides round
“ As one great furnace flamed, yet from those flames
“ No light — but rather darkness visible

tt Be sprinkled.

An Account of the “ Stimulus Console ntiu"

328

“ Served only to discover sights ot woe,

“ Regions of sorrow, doleful shades, where peace
“ And rest can never dwell.” &c. Paradise Lost, B. I. 1. 61.

One of the punishments of Hell, as denounced by our author, is
intense cold,

“ Thulk colde schal be so strong and kene
“ That thoug the most1 rocke that ever mygt be sene,

“ Or the most a mounteyne that es in eny lond,

“ Were al at once turned to a fire brond ;

“ And amyde thulke colde were sette on,

“ Yut hit schuld frese and turne to yse anon ;

“ Aud the fendis schal hem from the fire take
“ And cast into that colde til thei gune quake,

“ And thanne draw hem fro that colde place,

“ And eftsones cast hem into that fire afore the fendis face ;

“ Thus schul thai be cast ever to and fro.” &c.

M. 7 verso.

“ Thither,” (says Milton, B. II. 1. 590.)

“ by harpy-footed furies hal’d,

“ At certain revolutions all the damn d
“ Are brought, and feel by turns the bitter change
“ Of fierce extremes — extremes by change more fierce •

“ From beds of raging fire to starve in ice
“ Their soft etherial warmth, and there to pine
“ Immoveable, infixed, and frozen round
« Periods of time — thence hurried back to fire.” b

8 greatest.

8 The idea that the punishment of the wicked in the infernal Regions would consist in a
great degree in their exposure alternately to excessive heat and excessive cold, was very
general in ancient times. According to the Greeks and Romans, the Cocytus, which was
frozen (and is therefore called in Seneca, Here. CEfieus. 1. 1960, rigens Cocytus , ) and the
Puriphlegethon, which was a river of fire, were the instruments ot this torture. Cor¬
responding to the heathen Tartarus, was the Gehenna of the Jews. “ The water on this
side,” says the book Zohar, “ and the fire on that, form the punishment of Gehenna.” The
« treasures of snow” mentioned in the book of Job (eh. xxxviii.v. 22.) are supposed by the
Chaldee Paraphrast, to mean “ the snow reserved in Gehenna for the punishment of the
wicked.” The 19th verse of the 24tli chapter of Job, which describes the fate of the sinner,
is thus translated by Jerome, who professes to follow the authority of the Jewish Rabbis,

32.9

of Richard de Hampole.

The joys of Heaven are the subject of the last book, to the account
of which a description of the actual situation of Heaven appeared a
necessary preliminary. This introduces us to the following curious
exposition of the astronomical theory of that period. It is founded on
the Ptolemaic system.

“ Thre hevens there beth above us wel hye
“ As clerkes sey that beth wise and slye :

“ One es that we the sterred heven schal calle,

“ Where the sterrs and the planetis beth alle;

“ Another es that the clerks calle heven cristalle,

“ The which in his kynde schyneth oyer alle;

“ And sume clerkis hit calleth in this manere
“ The watry heven, the which es wondur clere,

“ That hoveth over as cristal there above,

“ Where watur thurgh frost to greur es scliove.1
“ These two hevens aboute goth ay,
u And schal never cese til domes day,

“ And of hare movyng have we no wondur,

“ For all thyng hit norischeth that es there undur,

“ Alle thyng lyvith both gras and tre,

“ And all other thyng that in erthe may be;

“ For if hit stode never so short time stille,

“ All that es in erthe schold perische and spille.1*

“ Thus telleth the clerks of clergie
“ That haveth lerned of Astronomye.

“ The thrid heven es ferre and hye,

“ That nothyng may above that be sye : 0
(< Yut clerks of mo hevens maketh hare speche
“ And of seven other hevens doth us teche,

“ The seven planetis that beth aboute us:

“ The first is the mone, thenne Mercury and Venus,

“ Ad nimium calorem transeat ab aquis nivium ; ” and he afterwards explains it as describing
the torments of Gehenna. We are thus able to trace the origin of Hampole’s description
Dante introduces the same circumstance — Charon says

“ I’vegno per menarvi all’altra riva

“ Nelle tenebre eterne in caldo e’n gielo.” fnferno. Canto III. 1. 86' & 8?

* Is shivered into hail. b dissolve. e seen.

2 U

VOL. XIX.

330

An Account of the “ Stimulus Consciences ”

“ And also the Sonne, Mars, and Jubiter,

“ And laste Saturnus that is above hem fer ;

“ Eche of hem ever about us maketh
“ Hare coursis as God’s ordinances hem taketh;

“ Thai sticketh nought fast as smale sterres doth,

“ But eche in hare courses thus aboute goth,

“ And iche Planet fallith to be in his kynde
“ Sume more hye than Man schal sone fynde;

“ And above us beth thes planetis seven,

“ And iche cercul of hem es cleped an Heven,

“ The whiche beth wondurly faire and bright,

“ And serveth to our bihove both day and nyght;

“ Yut there es another heven that Men may the Ayer calle,

“ The whiche is next a Man bifore the others alle,

“ And hit es nougt so clere ne to sight so clene
“ As the other hevens beth ne so wele sene.

“ And from the Erthe to the sercle of the Mone ys
“ The space of five hundrid yere and no lesse y wys,

“ As saith a philosophre of whom I telle can,

“ That hygt Raby Moyses a wondur wise man ;

“ And from the poynt of the Erthe to Saturnus
“ (Whiche es the heghest Planet as clerks telle us)

“ On the way of heven is a thousand outrygt,

“ And thre hundret as it is written to our sygt;

“ And iche sercle that es to us sene
“ Of eche planete may contain well evene
“ As muche space as Men may fynd here,

“ As a Man may go in thirty yere ;

“ For Raby Moyses in his boke saith all this,

“ And thes wordis beth noght myn but his.

“ But whether all this beth soth a or nougt,

“ God only wot that al thyngs hath wrougt,

“ For he hymself upward hath mete b the way,

“ Whann that he steghc up into heven on holy Thursday.

“ On the heghest place of the thred heven,

“ Above alle other planets seven,

“ Stondeth so meny sterres grete and smale,

“ That no man may hem telle bi tale,

* true. b measured. * ascended.

331

of Richard de Hampole.

“ The whiche fast stondeth as the boke preveth,

“ And beth had aboute with the heven that meveth
“ As nailes that beth in wheles with oute,

“ And ever with the wheles turneth aboute.

“ The sterres semen smale as we demetli,

“ But thei beth nougt so smale as thei semeth,

“ For the leste sterre that we on loke
“ Es more than al the Erthe as we fynd writen in boke :

“ For clerkes sey thoug al the World a fire were,

“ And hit were possible that a man myght be there,

“ Him schuld thenk thoug al the World brenned light,

“ Lesse than the leste sterre that shyneth by nyght :

“ And to the heghe heven couthe never clerk by eny art
“ The space gesse by a thousand part,

“ For hit es so heyghe, Sidrac saith, in his menyng,

“ That if a stone were there at with beyng, a
“ And were of an hundred mennes lyfting,

“ Yut hit schuld be in down fallyng
“ A thousand yere and nougt one lasse,

“ Or that hit myght al the hevens passe.

“ This heven es heghest of hevens alle,

“ For hegher es no thyng that may bifalle ;

“ And as helle es lowest that men may fynd,

“ So es heven the heghest that men may have in mynd„

“ This heven es clepid heven empire,

“ That es to say heven that es so ful of fire,

“ For hit semeth as fire of grete myght,

“ The which brenneth nought and schyneth brigt ;

“ This heven bifalleth nought aboute to go
“ Ne hit ne moveth nougt as doth thes other two,

“ But stondith ever stille for hit es the beste,
t( And the moste worthi place of pes and reste ;

“ This heven is clepid Goddis owen see,

“ For thereinne sitteth the holy Trinite,

(( And alle aungelis, as the boke telleth,

<( And all holy seyntis in this heven dwelleth.”

N. 8 verso, last line to O 2. verso. 1. 9.

* were in existence there.

2 U 2

An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscientice ”

333,

The joys of Heaven are very forcibly depicted : but previously to
entering upon each individual delight, the author thus gives a summary
of the whole :

“ There schal in heven be more blisse
“ Than hert may thynk when hit es in lisse.
******

“ For there es ever lif withouten deth,

“ And alle joyes that beth spoken with one breth,

“ And there es youthe withouten eny elde, a
“ And there es al manere welth that man may welde/

“ And there es al manere gode that never schal fade,

“ And there es ever rest withouten travaile,c
“ And there es pes withouten eny strif,

“ And there es al manere likyngd of lif,

“ And there es ever day and never nyght :

“ Thidur bryng us God Almygt :

“ And there es ever somer bright to se,

“ For there es no Wyntur in that cuntre,

“ And there es al manere welthe and riches,

“ There es al manere Nobleth that man may gesse,

“ There es more worschip and honoure
“ Than ever King had or Emperoure,

“ And there is al manere powere and myght,

“ And there wol God our wonnynge dyght,

“ And there is al manere ese and delite,

“ And there es sikerf pes with oute edewyte,5
“ And there es joye ever and blis lastyng,

“ And there es murthe and likyng,

“ And there es partite joye the whiche es endless,

“ And there es blisfulhede of pes,

“ And there is swettenes the which is certeyn,

“ And there is a duellyng withoute turnyng ageyne,

“ And there es ever preysyng among,

“ All manere melody and aungelis song,

“ And there is all manere frenschip that may be,

“ And there is al manere love and partite charite,

* old age. b wield, manage. * labour,

u pleasure. e deck or fit up our dwelling. f sure.

* possibly, from the Saxon verb “ dwine to waste.

of Richard de Hampole.

3 S3

** And there is ever gode acorde and onhede,a
And yeldyng ageyne for eche gode dede,

“ And there is ever grete lo\vtyngb and grete reverence,

“ And there is ever buxomnes c and obedience,

“ And there is al manere virtues vvithouten eny vices,

“ And there is plenty of deyntes and delites,

“ And there is ever al gode thyng at wille.

And there es nothyng that may be ille,

“ And there es wisdom withoute foly,

“ And there is al honeste withouten vilony,

“ And there is brightnes and beute,

“ And there is al godenes that may be.”

0 2 verso. 1. 11 to 03 verso. 1. 8.

The delights of heaven are then more particularly described under
the following heads ; Brightness — Swiftness — Might and Strength- —
Freedom — Health— Delights — Endless Life — Wisdom — Perfect Love
— Accord and “ Onhed” — Lordship— Worship — Surety and Siker-
ness — Perfect Joy —

To a minute description of each, is appended “ the contrary of that
bliss,” shewing the mental and bodily anguish which shall be indicted
upon the damned. These are followed by an exposition of “ five
manner of Joyes, that the rightful men shall have in heaven, in their
five wittes, or senses.”

The following are given as specimens :

“ Also he schulleth there yse sitte wel hye
“ God’s blisful Modur maiden Marie,

“ That next hym sitteth in heven bright,

“ Above all aungelis as hit es right ;

“ For he chesd hur to be his modur dere,

“ And of hur toke flesche and blod here,
t( And to souke of hure breste hit was his wille,

“ Wher fore next hym hue6 sitteth stille,

“ But heoe es so faire there as heoe sittes,

“ That hur fairnes passith alle manns wittes ;

“ Thanne is that a gret joy as I bifore told
“ Hur fairenys ever so to bihold.” P. 6. 1. t>.

* unity. b bowing. c acquiescence. 11 chose- * she.

334

An Account of the “ Stimulus Conscient'nx ”

The righteous are also promised a sight of the Patriarchs and
Prophets, of the Apostles and Evangelists, and

“ Other martires and confessours meny on,

“ Doctours and heremites that wold barfot gone,

“ And holy writ wold kenne and teche,

“ And to the lewed puple oft hit preche,

“ And alle other that in clennes hur lif wold lede,

“ As religious and seculers that of God toke hede.” P. 6. verso.

The author concludes his Poem, by soliciting the candour of all
who may read or hear it ; especially of the clergy, to whose correction
he professes himself willing to submit, and he takes leave of them, by
requesting their prayers in his behalf, and that of his scribe.

After presenting the foregoing analysis of this Poem, it seems proper
to advert to the suspicion expressed by Mr. Warton,a that it might
not have been the production of Hampole. The only argument
adduced by him, after stating that Hampole was probably the author
of the Latin treatise in prose, entitled “ Stimulus Conscientke,” is,
that “ it is not likely that he should translate his own work.” But
why not? the avowed object of the Poem (as already stated) being
to convey to “ the lewed men of England that conneth nothyng
but Englysh understond,”b salutary advice and information which
they could not otherwise have received.

From intrinsic evidence, moreover, the work is clearly not a trans¬
lation, but an enlargement in English upon a Latin treatise: compre¬
hending a paraphrase upon a variety of texts or passages, quoted in
such treatise, from sacred and profane writings. Continual reference
is made to “the boke” and to “the glose of the boke,” by which
terms the author appears modestly to designate his own Latin treatise.
It does not appear that any complete copy of this treatise is now in
existence. Leland makes no mention of either of the works in his
“ Commentarii de scriptorib. Brit.” In the list however which he
gives, he does not profess to enumerate all Hampole’s writings, of
which (says he) there were very many ; but only those which he knew to

a Hist. E. Poetry, Vol- I. p. 2t>5. b MS. penes me. q. 3. verso.

335

of Richard de Hampole.

exist, in the Marian library at York, and that of the Carmelites in Lon¬
don. Pits however mentions both, and consecutively, in the ample cata¬
logue which he has drawn up of the holy Father’s compositions.3

From the catalogues of the Cottonian and Harleian manuscripts,
printed in 1802—1808, by order of Parliament, there appears to be in the
former library, one copy of the “ Stimulus Conscientise,” — Galba, E. IX.

And in the latter, three imperfect copies, Nos. 1731, 2377, 2394 ; and
one complete, No. 0923 ; besides No. 106, art. 79, “ Ex tractatu qui inti-
tulatur Stimulus Conscientiae qu: an Rob: Grosthed anRic: Hampole.’’

The libraries of Oxford and Cambridge possess copies of this Poem,
and the valuable manuscript library of Mr. Coke of Holkham has one
of an age and caligraphy similar to that from which the present
transcripts are made.

In the Bodleian library b there are three copies of the “Prick of
Conscience,” in which this poem is given to Robert Grosthead, Bishop
of Lincoln, who died, A. D. 1253. But this is palpably incorrect,
mention being made in the poem of Moses Micotsi,c who flourished
only in the 14th century, and of Thomas Aquinas/ who did not take
his Doctor’s degree until the year 1255, being then about 31 years
old. Grosteste wrote, in the Romance or French language of his
time, a Poem (never printed) which professes to treat of the Creation,
the Redemption, the Day of Judgement, the Joys of Heaven, and the
Torments of Hell. From the similarity of the subjects, this mistake
may have originated.

On the whole, there seems no good reason to doubt that the present
work was the production of the person whose name it currently bears.

It is impossible to conclude this paper without briefly remarking
how much yet remains to be done towards elucidating the early
language and literature of our country, and adverting with surprise
and regret, to the comparatively small use made with this view of the
invaluable stores deposited in our public libraries.

“ Pitseus Relationes historic®, 4to. 1619, p. 465.
b Warton’s Hist. E. Poetry, Vol. 1. p. 262.
c MS. penes me. O. 1 verso. d MS. i. 2 verso.

336

XXXVI. On the Lorica Catena of the Romans. By Samuel
Rush Meyrick, LL.D. F.S.A. in a letter addressed to
Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary.

Read 1st Feb. 1821.

MY DEAR SIR,

Having asserted that the ingenious and elegant manufacture of
interlaced chain-mail was not known in Europe before the middle of
the reign of Henry III. of England, I think it due to the Society that
I should attempt some explanation of the Lorica catena of the
Romans.

The Lorica catena has been universally described by commentators
as armour ex annulis contexta , “ made of rings woven into each
other ; ” and if they are altogether right, this exposition seems to mili¬
tate against my opinion. Such indeed was their impression, and they
have left it to be adopted by posterity without hesitation. I am
however, inclined to believe that the Romans had no flexible armour
but what was held together by being fastened on the surface of
a tunic.

The tegulated, scaled, mascled, flat-ringed, rustred, and edge-ringed,
would never have superseded the more commodious and less pon¬
derous interlaced chain-mail, had that been previously known ; and
as the Romans, as well as the Crusaders, borrowed their flexible
armour from Asia, it would not, after its invention in that portion of
the world, have been wholly disused for a long interval, and then
revived. In proof of this, we find that after it had been once intro¬
duced into Europe, it was rather mixed with than displaced by plate
armour, continuing in use to the middle of the sixteenth century ; and
in Asia has been retained without intermission to the present moment.

The origin of the word Lorica, it is well known, is the same as that

337

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

of Cuirass, and implies that this defence for the body was originally
of leather, which succeeded the wild beast skin, the armour of more
savage society. But what then was the Lorica catena , or chain Lorica?

In Mr. Hope’s Costume of the Ancients, PI. 17. Fig. 3. is a Phrygian
casque with a pendant flap to cover the neck. This is so etched as
to resemble the interlaced chain mail. Although unknown to that
gentleman, I took the liberty of writing to him on the subject, and
received from him an immediate and polite answer, saying, that he
could not then recollect from what authority it had been copied, but on
his return to town, which would be shortly, he would make all possible
search for it. A year has now elapsed, and I have heard no more ; I
feel therefore compelled to regard it has having been inaccurately repre¬
sented. This inclination is not a little strengthened by finding that
it does not at all accord with the Phrygian tunic of mail, in PI. 32. of
the same work, taken from a bronze in the possession of J. Hawkins,
Esq. of Bignor Park, Sussex, and which is of flat rings sewn con¬
tiguously on the garment of cloth. As therefore this specimen is so
extremely doubtful, and as no other exists of which I am aware, I must
infer that we have no direct authority for concluding that the inter¬
laced chain-mail was known to the antients.

Nor do their writers, notwithstanding this explanation of the
commentators, assert any such thing. The nearest in point of de¬
scription, is the following expression of Valerius Flaccus, where
speaking of the Sarmatians, he says, Lib. VI,

Sarmaticse coi&re manus —

- Riget his molli lorica catena

Id quoque tegmen equis.

“ To restrain the Sarmatian band

The Lorica with its yielding chain confines these.

And of similar manufacture is the housing of their horses."

But the very use of the word riget , which implies that the wearer
was stiffened or rendered much less capable of action, renders any
deduction from the word molli , that these chains were interlaced with

2 X

VOL. XIX.

338

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

each other, and thus made a military garment of themselves inde¬
pendently, quite inadmissible.

But Ammianus Marcellinus, who lived about three centuries later,
describes the Sarmatians and Quadi, as having their body armour
made of slices of horn. In Lib. xvn. he says, Sarmatis et Quadis
loricae sunt ex cornibus rasis et laevigatis plumarum specie linteis in-
dumentis innexae. “ The Loricae of the Sarmati and Quadi are made
of horn, cut into slices and polished, which being placed on linen in
the form of feathers, are fastened together upon it:” so that this armour
was formed by being stitched upon a linen tunic. Had the Sar¬
matians discovered the mode of making a garment of armour itself,
they would never have relinquished it for this less commodious species.
We consequently find that these loricae of horn, mentioned by Ammi¬
anus, were by no means late inventions, for Pausanias, who lived in the
time of Adrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius, says in the first
Book of his Description of Greece, chap. 20, that he saw one pre¬
served in the temple of Esculapius at Athens. This account however,
differs a little from that of Ammianus, as he declares it was made
without the adoption of linen. As it is rather curious, I copy it at
length. “ In this place too, among other things, there is a Sarmatian
coat of armour, which if well inspected , evinces that the barbarians are
no less skilful in arts than the Grecians. For the Sarmatians neither
have iron, nor is it transmitted to them from other countries, as these
barbarians are, more than all others, free from association with foreign
countries. In consequence therefore of this want of iron, they have
devised wicker instead of iron tops for their spears. Their bows and
arrows too are of cornel wood, and the tops of these are wicker.
They likewise in battle throw chains about every enemy they meet
with, and at the same time their horses turning about, they throw
down the enemy entangled in their chains. But they fashion their
body armour after the following manner : Each of these barbarians
has a great quantity of horses, for their land is not separated into parts
so as to be subservient to the use of private persons, nor does it bear
any thing except rustic wood, as the inhabitants are nothing more than
nomades. These horses they not only use for the purposes of war,

339

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

bat they sacrifice them to their country gods, and even use them for
food ; but collecting the hoofs of these animals, and purifying and
dividing them, they polish them so as to resemble the scales of a
dragon. He indeed who has not seen a dragon, may compare this
composition from hoofs to a pine-nut while yet green. This scale-like
composition they perforate, and sew it together with the nerves of
horses and oxen, and afterwards use it for body armour, and it is not
inferior to that of the Greeks, either for elegance or strength, as it will
sustain a blow , given either remotely or near at hand.” That the
Romans adopted this armour we learn from Martial, Lib. vii. who
speaking of Domitian’s lorica says :

Quam vel ad iEtolae securum cuspidis ictum
Texuit innumeri lubricus unguis apri.

“ Which to render secure from the blow of the iEtolian spear
The polished hoofs of innumerable boars have woven together,”

the boars hoofs supplying the place of those of the horse. Indeed
this kind of manufacture seems to have continued in Asia till modern
times, as there is one made in the manner described by Pausanias in
Mr. Gwennap’s collection, which is said, probably without sufficient
authority, to have come from Turkey. a It is extremely incommodious,
and would confine the motions of the wearer, as Horace has noticed.
This effect is the greater, because it is not fastened on linen, a circum¬
stance noticed by Pausanias after minute inspection ; and if this be
the identical armour described by Horace, catena is only a poetical
expression to denote that one piece of horn was connected with the
other by nerves which rendered it a Lorica, without being placed on
linen. As its flexibility however was increased by being stitched on
linen, according to the description of Ammianus, that was probably
the kind which came into use among the Romans.

But the Sarmatians did not confine themselves to horn in order to
make their armour, for Tacitus, in the 1st Book of his History, tells us
that they used Tegmen ferreis laminis, aut praeduro corio consertum
ut adversus ictus impenetrabile, ita impetu hostium provolutis inhabile

1 It has, however, been lately termed Japanese.
2X2

340

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

ad resurgendum, “ a covering made with laminae of iron, or extremely
hard leather sewn together, which to the blow of an adversary became
impenetrable, but to the wearer an incumbrance so unwieldy, that if
overthrown by the charge of the enemy, he is unable to rise again.”
This armour, he further observes, was confined to the chiefs. The form
of such laminae may be seen sculptured on the Theodosian column
on the saddle cloth of the Emperor Gratian. The leathern kind of ar¬
mour seems to have resembled that worn by the Anglo-Saxons called
Coria and Corieta, which I noticed in a former paper published by
the Society of Antiquaries, and seems to have been also used by the
Persians. Hence Ammianus Marcellinus, Lib. xxiv. says of them,
Operimentis scorteis equorum multitudine omni defensa : “ A multi¬
tude of their horses were altogether defended by housings manufac¬
tured from hides.”

From the following expression of Quintus Curtius one is led to
suppose, that the laminae instead of being laid on cloth were simply
attached to each other in the same manner as the pieces of horn
spoken of by Pausanias, and this will account for the stiffness which
Tacitus seems to notice when he says, that “ the wearer having once
fallen is unable to rise again.” The words of Quintus Curtius, Lib. iv.
are, Equitibus, equisque, tegumenta erant ex ferreis laminis, serie
inter se connexis. “ Both the riders and their horses are protected by
armour manufactured from laminae of iron connected with each other
in rows.” A jacket of this kind is in my son’s armoury,3 but in
order to be flexible the laminae do not overlap each other as was the
case with the Sarmatian armour.b Still this passage may imply that
the laminae were stitched on cloth or leather, which is more par¬
ticularly specified by Ovid, in Met. Lib. in. m. 63.

Loricaeque modo squamis defensus et atrae
Duritia pellis vallido cute reppulit ictus.

“ And now defended by the scales of the Lorica
And the toughness of the black hide, the blow
Is repulsed by the strong skin.”

* It came from Vienna, but I am not yet certain whether it be not Asiatic.
b In the same collection, however, are two Circassian suits the backs are in that manner.

341

On the Loriea Catena of the Romans.

In the first instance the laminae were square, but here we find them
rounded, so as to have the appearance of scales. Body armour thus
fashioned was called Loriea squammata, and is so sculptured on some of
the soldiers on the arch of Constantine, and on the saddle-cloths of the
Emperor Theodosius and a Scythian King, on the column of Theodosius.

But they had been adopted much earlier by the Romans, for
Plutarch tells us, that Lucullus wore Sapa/ca, ailypolv </>oA;<Wov, “ a

Loriea made with pieces of iron shaped like the scales of fish.” And
from Dion Cassius we learn, that this was the express armour of the
Praetorian troops, observing that the Emperor Macrinus took from
them rovf Oupanas tov^ Xezr^coToy?, “their Loricae made to resemble the
scales of serpents.”

Much resembling the scaled was the plumose, termed Loriea plumata,
but the laminae were longer in their projections, so as to have the ap¬
pearance of feathers, and may be seen both on the column of Trajan
and that of Antonine; but in all these specimens the laminae appear
as if fastened on linen tunics.

The plumose kind was probably borrowed by the Romans from the
Parthians, for Justin. Lib. xn. asserts of that people, that Munimenta
equitibus, equisque, Loricae plumatae sunt ; quae utrumque toto cor-
pore tegunt. “ Plumose Loricae form the armour of the riders and
their horses, which cover completely the bodies of both.” Suidas un¬
dertakes more particularly to describe the Parthian armour; he says,
“ Parthi equites Loriea est talis ; prior pars pectus et femora et manus
extremas et crura tegit, posterior tergum et cervicem et caput totum ;
fibulae verb sunt ad latera, quibus utramque partem jungunt; atque
ita totum equitem ferreum dant videri. Prohibet verb nihil, aut impe-
dit ferrum membrorum extensiones suae, et contractiones, adeo curiose
factum tectumque est ad naturam membrorum. Armant, autem, et
equum similiter ferro totum quidem et usque ad ungulas.” “The
Loriea of the Parthian knight is formed in this manner, the fore part
covers the breast, the legs, outside of the hands and thighs, the hinder
part the back, the neck, and the whole head ; on the sides are placed
buckles by which both parts are united, and in this manner the horse*

342

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

man seems to be wholly made of iron. The iron, however, by no
means prevents or impedes the extension and contraction of the limbs,
so curiously is it made, forming as it were a natural covering to the
members. They also arm their horses in like manner in a complete
covering of iron which reaches to their hoofs.”

Suidas seems in this description to have before him the figures on
the Trajan column, for it is this people who appear to have brought
the scaled armour to the notice of, and adoption by the Romans.

He was, however, no doubt greatly influenced by the following
description by Ammianus Marcellinus, who had often seen this kind
of armour. He says Lib. xvi. Praxitelis manu polita crederes simu¬
lacra non viros, quos laminarum circuli tenues apti corporibus flexi-
bus ambiebant, per omnia membra deducti, ut quocunque artus
necessitas commovisset vestitus congrueret, junctura cohaerentur
aptata. “You might imagine that these were figures chiseled by the
hand of Praxiteles, rather than men whose bodies are enveloped with
yielding circles of laminae contrived to answer their various motions,
and so brought over all their members, that wherever necessity moves
a joint the garment is so constructed as to act in unison, the joinings
at the same time being fitted to overlap when the limb is contracted.”

The following passage in Isidorus shews that these little circles
were for the purpose of holding the laminae together : Squamma est
Lorica ex laminis aereis vel ferreis concatenata in modum squam-
marum piscis. “The scaled is the Lorica formed of brazen or iron
laminae chained together , in the manner of scales of fish.”

Those Loricae which were peculiar to the Romans were formed of se¬
micircular bands placed above each other, reaching from the chest to the
hips, with smaller ones for shoulder-guards, and to protect the abdomen.
They were put on over a leathern vest, and fastened before and behind
by buttons. They may be seen in great numbers on the Trajan column
and other monuments of antiquity, and the straps which fastened the
leathern vest beneath may be observed on the chest.

Both these and their plate-armour were of bronze, or the metal com¬
pounded of tin and copper, as appears by a specimen of each in the

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans. 343

British Museum. Hence also Virgil, in the iEneid, Lib. vm. v. 621,
says :

Rigens ex oere Lorica.

“ Stiffened by wearing the brazen Lorica.”

And again, in Lib. xii. v. 88,

- auro squallentem alboque orichalco

Circumdat humeris Loricam.

“ - with a Lorica studded with gold, and of the paler bronze.

He surrounds his shoulders.”

So Polybius, Lib. vi. narrates that “ the greater part of the troops
taking the brazen laminae, which were from two fingers to a palm
in breadth throughout, placed them on their breasts.” The breadth
of the specimen in the British Museum is between two and three
inches. The arms, as well as the armour of the Romans, were both
originally of this compound metal, but iron had been adopted for the
former, some time before the invasion of Britain. The same change
subsequently took place in the latter, whence the expression for put¬
ting on armour used by Silius Italicus, Lib. vm.

- ferro circumdare pectus

“ - to surround the breast with iron.”

Claudian, on the sixth Consulship of Honorius, has beautifully
described the armour which in his time was of iron :

Ut chalybe indutos equites, et in sere latentes
Vidit cornipedes ; Quanam de gente rogabat
Ferrati venire viri ? Quse terra metallo
Nascentes informat equos? Num Lemnius auctor
Addidit hinnitum ferro, simulacraque bellis.

<f As knights clad in steel; and the rest concealed within
The metal, he saw the hoofed feet. From what race, he asks.

Have these iron men sprung? What land gives birth to
Horses formed of metal ? Has the artist Lemnius
Added the power of neighing, and the warlike form
To iron ?”

344

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

And in his second book and fifth Carmen in Rufinum, where he
speaks more distinctly of these wide semicircular laminae, he says,

- : - conjuncta per artem

Flexibilis inductis hamatur laminae membris
Horribilis visi : credas simulacra moveri
Ferrea, cognatoque viros spirare metallo.

Par vestitus equis.

“ - Having clothed their limbs with

The laminae flexible from being hooked together with skill.

They look horrible. You might suppose them to be iron
Figures moving, and champions breathing in a kindred
Metal. In the same manner are their horses armed.”

In the time when Virgil wrote, the scaled and plumae were of
bronze. Thus, in Lib. xi. of the iEneid, he says,

Spumantemque agitabat equum, quern pellis ahenis
In plumam squammis auro conserta tegebat.

“ And urges on the foaming steed, which a housing
Of brazen scales stitched together and gilt
In the form of feathers, covers.”

Again in the same book he has

- rutilem thoraca indutus aenis

Horrebat squammis.

“ - having put on the glittering thorax with brazen

Scales, he has become terrific.”

There is however another kind of armour mentioned by the same
poet, in the third book of the iEneid, v. 467, which he calls
Conserta hamis Lorica.

“ A Lorica with hooks fastened together.”

And Pausanius, in his description of Greece, Book ix. c. 26,
asserts, that Cleostratus had a “ Lorica which was set quite thick with
brazen hooks turned upwards;” but as he mentions this as a departure
from the ordinary manufacture of this kind of armour, we must con-
elude that the hooks were in all other instances turned downwards.
But Montfaucon, who seems not to have been aware of this passage,
conceives that this is the interlaced chain-mail which I have asserted

•34J

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

was not known in Europe before the middle of the thirteenth century.
Speaking of the body armour of the Romans, in his Antiq. expliq. he
says, On en faisoit encore d’anneaux de fer passez l’un dans 1’autre, qui
faisoient des chaines entrelassees ; c’est ce que les Grecs appellent
akvaiSooTos, et qu’on nomme en Francois Cott.e de mailles, en Latin
Lorica hamis conserta, ou hamata. “ It was sometimes made of
iron rings passed one through the other, which produced a number of
interlaced chains; this was what the Greeks called akwtiuTog, and
what we term in French Cotte de mailles, in Latin, Lorica hamis con¬
serta, or hamata.” He afterwards says, II ne faut pas confondre
comme plusieurs ont fait, ces cuirasses d’ecailles qui s’appelloient en
Latin Loricse squammatae avec les cuirasses composees de chaines
inserees les unes dans les autres, que nous appellons cottes de mailles
et qu’on nommoit en Latin Loricse hamatae. Les premieres etoient de
petites lames de fer mises les unes sur les autres avec quelque symme¬
tric, et par consequent differentes de ces cottes de mailles, composes
de petites chaines. “We must not, as many have done, confound
these cuirasses of scales which were called in Latin Loricae squam¬
matae, with those composed of chains locked within each other,
which we call Cottes de mailles, and which were termed in Latin,
Loricae hamatae. The first were formed of little plates of iron placed
one over another with some symmetry, and were consequently dif¬
ferent from the cottes de mailles composed of little chains.”

This author, however, cites no authority whatever for this assertion,
which he took for granted from other commentators. Although he
does not notice the expression Lorica catena, he states that II y en
avoit qui etoient faites de petites chaines, et couvertes ensuite de lames
pardessus. “There were some Loricae which were made with little
chains, covered afterwards with plates laid upon them.” This, how¬
ever, seems to me a wrong conception of some passage like that in
Quintus Curtius already cited, and probably merely implied that the
small plates of metal were linked together underneath.

'AAvoAwtos- certainly signifies “ formed of links,” but I conceive
that the expression arose from the rings being first hooked through
the tunic and then closed, which was exactly the rings set edgewise

2 Y

VOL. XIX.

.**46 On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries ; and a Lorica of this kind is
absolutely painted on the walls of the tombs of the kings of Thebes.
See Denon’s Travels, PI. lv. Fig. 7.

Silius Italicus describes Flaminius, the Roman Consul, arming him¬
self in the following words :

Loricam induitur totos huic nexilis hamos
Ferro squamma rudi, permistoque asperat auro.

“ He put on his Lorica, to this connected all over
With hooks are attached the scales, which appear sharp.

Made of rough iron mixed with gold.”

Sidonius too, in his Paneg. ad Anthem, says,

- nee sutilis illi

Circulus impactis Loricam texuit liamis.

“ - nor the little circle stitched to it

Hath connected the Lorica with inconvenient hooks.”

In the life of Claudius and that of Alexander Severus we find
Trebellius naming those soldiers who were clad in the various kinds
of heavy armour except the plate, Cataphracti, and Cataphractarii,
from the Greek word K ard(f>paKTYje. Livy too, Lib. xxxvn. c. 40,
describing the army which Antiochus brought into the field against
the Romans, and which was varia multis gentibus dissimilitudine ar-
morum auxiliorumque, “ much varied by the different nations of which
it was composed, and their respective armour,” says, ad latus dex-
terum phalangitarum mille et quingentos equites Gallograecorum oppo-
suit. His tria millia equitum loricatorum, (cataphractos ipsi appel¬
lant) adjunxit. “ On the right of the Macedonian phalanx were posted
1,500 Gallo-Grecian horse. To these were added 3000 loricated
cavalry, called in their own language Cataphracti.” Similar to these
were those Gauls whom Tacitus, in the 3d book of his Annals, calls
Crupellarii : from all which we learn that they acquired this armour
by their connection with Greece.

Varro has a singular observation, in which, however, he is not
altogether borne out. He says, in his work De Ling. Lat. Lorica k
Loris, quod de corio crudo pectoralia faciebant. Posted succuderunt
Galli e ferro, sub id vocabulum ex annulis ferream tunicam. “Lorica
is so called from Lorum, because body-armour was made of raw hides.

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

347

After that the Gauls fabricated it from iron, and under that word is
comprehended the iron tunic connected by rings.”

The authorities are numerous and too well known to render it
necessary for me to shew that the Romans borrowed their armour
from the Etruscans rather than from the Gauls; but that their troops
were considered as undique muniti, “ completely armed,” without
wearing the Cataphractes, we learn from Hegesippus, Lib. in. c. 24.
This author observes that Titus Caesar, when he addressed his troops,
exclaimed, Progredimur in bellum muniti undique. Tegitur galea
caput, Lorica pectus, totumque clypeo corpus. Ubi feriet hostis
Romanem militem reperire non potest, quern ferro tectum circumspi-
cit. “ We march to war completely armed : our heads are covered
with helmets, our breasts with Loricae, and our whole bodies with
large oval shields. Wherever the enemy may strike, he will survey
a covering protection.”

But lest Varro’s expression ex annulis may seem to allude to inter¬
laced chain-armour, it will be merely requisite to refer to Statius, who
in his Thebaid, Lib. xn. has the following line :

Multiplicem tenuis iterant thoraca catenae.

“ The pliable links connect by repetition the manifold thorax.”

The epithet multiplicem evidently refers to the overlapping plates,
and the verb iterant to the frequency with which the catenae are
necessarily introduced to hold them together. This passage therefore
seems to justify my conception of that in Valerius Flaccus, and further
explains the following one of Lucan, Lib. vn.

- qua torta graves Lorica catenas

Opponit.

“ - where the twisted Lorica meets

The heavy chains.”

Or, “ - where the Lorica meets the severe links

Which are twisted together in it.”

These links being twisted wires, authorize the term torta, though
that may refer to the curled or frizzled appearance which the Lorica
in such case puts on.

But the armour called Cataphractes is explained in the Fragments

2 Y 2

348

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

of Sallust, preserved by Servius, in these words : Equites cataphracti
ferre4 omni specie : equis paria operimenta quse linteo ferreis laminis
in modum plumae adnexuerant. “The Equites cataphracti are those
troops of cavalry that are clad in a complete covering of iron armour,
and their horses having housings of the same material ; these dresses
were composed of little plates of iron fastened together so as to re¬
semble feathers, and sewn on linen.”

So Elian, in his Tactics, says, “The equestrian forces now-a-days
differ in respect to armour ; one part is altogether covered with it, and
these are consequently called Cataphracti ; the other part are not in
armour. By Cataphracti therefore I would understand those who
have not only their own bodies, but those of their horses every where
protected by armour.” The Emperor Leo, in his Tactics, C. vi. s. 30,
says the same as having been the case long before his days. His
words are, “With the antients, the cavalry were fortified by two dif¬
ferent kinds of armour ; one was called cataphractum or loricatum,
the other non-cataphractum.” Lampridius says that “the cataphracti
were the same as were called by the Persians Clibanarii.” He is con¬
firmed by Leo, who in section 31 tells us, that “ the Cataphracti, both
man and horse, were completely armed on all parts with loricae, that
is with helmets ; with clibana, that is with thoraces (according to the
later Greek acceptation of the word ;) with parameria, that is with
maces, &c.”

Ammianus Marcellinus is a still better authority. He says, Lib. xvi.
Sparsique cataphracti equites quos Clibanarios dictitant Persae, thora-
cum muniti tegminibus, et limbis ferreis cincti. “And here and there
were posted the Equites cataphracti whom the Persians call Clibanarii,
armed with the covering of thoraces, and enveloped with small plates
of iron as it were embroidered on them.” The expression limbis serves
strongly to shew that the plates were fastened upon the loricse. In
the oration of Alexander Severus to the Senate, after his victory over
the Persians, he tells that body, “Centum et viginti quinque millia
equitum fudimus : cataphractarios quos illi Clibanarios vocant ;
decern millia in bello interemimus, eorum armis nostros armavimus.’

“ We have discomfited 125,000 horse, and have killed in the battle

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans. 349

10,000 equites cataphractarii whom the Persians call Clibanarii, and
have armed our troops in their armour.”

This probably occasioned the first introduction of this species of
cavalry among the Romans, as from the manner in which Claudian
speaks, one is led to suppose that they were but of late adoption.
Nazarius, however, in his Panegyric, seems actuated by similar
feelings of astonishment. Quae (says he) ilia fuisse dicitur species
quam atrox visu, quam formidolosa! operimento ferri equi atque
homines obsepti. Clibanariis in exercitu nomen est. Superne omnibus
tectis equorum pectoribus, demissa lorica et crurum tenus pendens
sine impedimento gressus a noxa vulneris vindicabat. “ What is that
kind said to have been, which was so dreadful and formidable to
behold ? men and horses equally covered with armour manufactured
with small pieces of iron. Their name in the army is Clibanarii.
From the top, the breasts of the horses are completely covered, and
the loose Lorica hanging down as far as the man’s thigh, while they
offer no impediment to their motions, entirely protect them from the
injury of wounds.”

These quotations seem to shew that the Equites cataphracti, and
the Equites clibanarii were precisely the same; but there was probably
some distinction, though it may not have been very striking. Perhaps
the former may have had their armour shaped more after the
Greek fashion of the day, and the latter in the Persian style. This
however must be conjecture; but as we find them both mentioned in
the Notitia Imperii, which implies a difference, it seems fully warranted.

IN ORIENTEM.

Sub dispositione viri illustris Magistri millitum Praesentalis,

Comites Clibanarii.

Equites primi Clibanarii Parthi.

Equites Cataphractarii Biturigenses.

Sub dispositione viri illustris Magistri militum Prsesentalis,

Equites Persae Clibanarii
Equites Cataphractarii Ambienses.

Equites Cataphractarii.

Equites secundi Clibanarii Parthi.

350 On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

Sub dispositione viri illustris Magistri militum per Orientem,

Comites Cataphractarii.

Equites promoti Clibanarii.

Equites quarti Clibanarii Parthi.

Cuneus Equitum secundorum Clibanariorum Palmirenorum,

Sub dispositione viri illustris Magistri militum per Thracias,

Equites Cataphractarii Albigenses.

IN JEGYPTO.

Sub dispositione viri spectabilis Ducis Thebaidos,

Ala prima Jovia Cataphracta.

IN SCYTHIA.

Sub dispositione viri spectabilis Ducis Scythiae,

Cuneus Equitum Cataphractariorum.

IN OCCIDENTE.

Sub dispositione viri illustris et Magistri equitum Praesentalis,

Equites sagittarii Clibanarii.

INTRA AFRICAM.

Cum viro spectabili Comite Africae,

Equites Clibanarii.

INTRA BRITANNIAS.

Cum viri spectabili Comite Britanniarum.

Equites Cataphractarii juniores.

From this list we find that there were four bodies of Parthian
Clibanarian horse, two of Palmerine, and one Persian; and that the
Cataphractarian were Biturigensian, Ambiensian, and Albigensian.
The rest not being distinguished were formed with less discrimination,
but after the model of these, and among them we may observe some
raised by the Emperor Jovian.

As we find mounted archers in the Clibanum, we might suppose as
Nazarius, and after him Suidas, has asserted, that this armour allowed
free motion to the limbs, and might still cherish a doubt whether it did
not include the interlaced chain-mail; but we find the Roman writers
themselves acknowledging the inconvenience as well as advantage of
it to the wearer. Thus Heliodorus, Lib. ix. iEthiopicorum, informs us,
that “ the Persian equus cataphractus is quite immoveable when
without the man to guide him;” and Vegetius, Lib. in. c. xxiii.
observes, Cataphracti equites, propter munimenta quse gerunt & vul-

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

351

neribus quidem tuti, sed propter impedimentum et pond us armorum
eapi eos facile est. “ The Equites Cataphracti, on account of the
armour they bear, are indeed safe from wounds, but the impediment
it occasions, together with its weight, renders it an easy matter to
make them prisoners.

From this it appears to have been rather of a stiff nature, as the impe¬
dimentum etpondus will more readily apply to armour made of laminae
stitched on leather, or wadded linen, than to the flexible interlaced
chain-mail, which consisted of nothing but the metal.

Thus then we find that the Antients possessed the flat-ringed
armour, the laminated or tegulated, the scaled, the plumose, and that
made of rings set edgewise; all of which resembled those worn in
England during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Had it not been for the painting on the walls of the tombs of the
kings at Thebes, in Egypt, already noticed, I should have been
induced to consider the meaning of Lorica hamata, or conserta hamis,
as “ buttoned,” or “ fastened together with buttons,” not moveable but
fixed ones, and therefore in the nature of hooks, and as referring to
that composed of semicircular bands, which, as has been observed,
were buttoned before and behind. In such case I should have sup¬
posed the word hamata, introduced to distinguish this Lorica from
that entirely made of hardened leather, or a single breast and back-
plate of metal. Had this been so, it would have further authorized
the idea, that the expression Catena, merely referred to the wires or
nerves which linked together the armour formed of small plates.

But in the British Museum, in the Hamilton collection, there are
some pieces of Roman chain of bronze of the size generally used in
chain-armour, that is composed of rings which would just go on the
top of the little finger. Some of these are formed so as to have the
alternate links of two or four rings, the others being single or double.
But there are no remains to justify the conclusion that another row
was connected with each of these chains, (for there are several oi
them) so that if they were used as armour, which may be doubted,
they could only have been formed into a military garment by being
laid parallel to each other and stitched on cloth. Indeed not only

352

On the Lorica Catena of the Romans.

were the Laminae fastened on cloth, but the cloth itself is expressly
said to have been sometimes twofold, sometimes threefold.

Thus Virgil, in the iEneid, Lib. ix. has,

Nec duplici squamS. LoricS. fidelis et auro
Sustinuit.

“ Nor has the faithful Lorica, which is twofold
And covered with gilt Scales, sustained it.”

And in another line,

Loricam consertam hamis, auroque trilicem.

“ The threefold Lorica fastened with gilt hooks.”

Silius Italicus also, who lived in the time of Trajan, has

textam nodis auroque trilicem a

Loricam.

- The threefold Lorica woven together with

Gilt twists.”

The result of this investigation seems to be, that the Lorica hamata
may refer to the tunic of rings set edgewise, but seems also with great
probability to be the name of that formed of semicircular bands, cum
hamis conserta, “ fastened with immoveable buttons.” And that the
Lorica catena may be composed of parallel chains, but not interlinked,
yet seems rather to refer to that armour made of little plates held
together by wires or nerves.

Should you think these observations worthy of the notice of the So¬
ciety of Antiquaries, you will much oblige me by submitting them to
their notice.

Believe me most truly Yours,

SAMUEL R. MEYRICK.

College of Advocates, Doctors’ Commons,

23d Jan. 1821.

* It may be objected that I have here translated the word trilicem “ threefold,” apply¬
ing it to the cloth, whereas in my former paper I rendered it “ treliced.” In reply to this I
would observe, that the Latin of the Romans and that of the middle ages have very often totally
different significations. Indeed the latter are rather Latinized than Latin words, in support
of which I need only notice the term Galea, which with the Romans signified a helmet ; but
with the monkish writers was the Latinized term for a galley. So trilicem in my former
paper was Latinized from the Norman trelis.

353

XXXVII. Observations on the Use of the Mysterious Figure , called
Vesica Fiscis , in the Architecture of the Middle Ages , and in
Gothic Architecture ; by T. Kerrich, M.A. F.S.A. Principal
Librarian to the University of Cambridge.

Read 20th January, 1820.

In my observations on Gothic Architecture, published in the Sixteenth
Volume of the Archaeologia, I ventured to express my belief that the
rules and principles of it might be recovered by a patient examination
of the numerous buildings in that style still remaining. And I also
remarked, that the Mysterious Figure, which seems to have been
called Vesica Piscis, had a great influence upon the forms of all sorts
of things, which were intended for sacred uses ; after the establishment
of Christianity.

I would now propose to point out some instances, where this influ¬
ence seems to be apparent, in works of Architecture: and first in
the plans of Churches and Chapels, and other religious buildings ;
and the use the old Architects made of it to determine the proportion
of the two dimensions of their length and breadth to each other.

The Figures 1 — 27, (Plates XX. to XXVI.) are a series of such
plans of different ages, from the Churches of St. John Lateran and
old St. Peter’s at Rome, (both believed to be of the time of Constan¬
tine,) to the Abbey Church of Bath, one of the latest Gothic buildings
of importance that we have in England ; with this figure applied to
them, to show how closely they agree with it.

In the first eleven figures it is used in its simplest form, where the
center of each of the two circles which compose it is taken in the
circumference of the other, and by its length and breadth those of the
whole design are determined. But it has been sufficiently shewn
already, that this figure, as well as the Gothic arch of two centers,

2 Z

VOL. XIX.

354

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

is capable of being varied infinitely, and according to many different
laws ; and we will only repeat here that the Architects must neces¬
sarily have assigned some limits, and must also have reduced its
variations to definite and distinct forms ; and they were at perfect
liberty, for any thing that we know, to set what limits, and fix upon
what forms they pleased. And we would wish to ascertain what
those limits, and what the forms of it were upon which they fixed.

From what I have observed these forms were bv no means numerous.
Below that before mentioned, which may properly be considered as
a sort of middle or mean form, including the circle, which must be its
limit one way, I believe there are only six that were of established or
common use ; and they may be all easily drawn with great exactness by
taking any given line M N (PI. XXVI. Fig. 28,) for the breadth, cutting
it into twelve equal parts in the points ABCDEFGHIK and
L, and taking two of those points which correspond, or are at equal
distances from the respective ends of the line, for the two centers of
each Vesica, till we arrive at the middle point F, where we may
conceive the two centers to have met and to unite in one, which must
of course produce a circle.

Now all the seven rectangles, PI. XXVII. Fig. 29, agreeing with
these figures, admitting the square to be one of them, if I mistake not
very much, I have found actually used for the plans of Choirs, Chan¬
cels, Chapels, Porches, &c. in Norman and Gothic buildings, one only
excepted ; and I have met with no plans of such buildings that did
not agree with one or other of them.

Above the mean, or in plans longer in proportion to their breadth,
what rule the Architects had prescribed to themselves for adjusting
these proportions we have not yet been able to discover ; but it was
probably by some method similar to that by which they were guided
in the former case. See the Plans, PI. XXVII. Fig5. 29 and 30.

The Numbers 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13, in PI. XXVII. are a series of
such plans taken from buildings that still exist; and they look very like
fragments of a system with the whole of which we are not acquainted.

However, from what we now know of it, there is good reason to

in the Architecture of the Aliddle Ages , and in Gothic Architecture. 355

conclude that the utmost length was limited in the early times of
Christianity, and in the Architecture we call Saxon and Norman, by
the Vesica A F B G in the following Figure,
which seems to have been another
form of it, which was held in particu¬
lar estimation. By it, the length of the
whole body of the building in proportion
to its width was then very generally, if
not always determined ; and although the
Gothic Architects of the 13th, 14th, and
15th centuries indulged themselves in
greater liberty, and sometimes passed this
limit, and designed buildings of greater
length in their proportions, as in the plans
(PI. XXV. Fig. 22. and PI. XXII. Fig. 10)
of Salisbury Cathedral, Great Wilbraham,
and no doubt in many others, yet this
never was given up, but continued to be a standard proportion, to
which they appear to have paid particular respect throughout all those
ages, and even to the latest times ; as we may gather from the Plans
of Barnwell Chapel, Frenze Church in Norfolk, and Little St. Mary’s
Church, and King’s College Chapel at Cambridge, which are all
formed upon it, and are all Gothic and of different dates. Perhaps
ideas of particular holiness might be attached to it ; and we may re¬
mark it is in this very case that the Figure is called Vesica Piscis by
Albert Durer; so that whatever doubts there may be with regard to
the other forms of it, there can be none as to its being so named in this.

We will now proceed to point out the use that appears to have been
made of this figure, in other parts of architecture.

The Norman Doors and Arches, PI. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. Fig. 32
— 46. are faithfully copied from the prints referred to; and this figure is
applied as it was before, to the plans. The ground about old churches
is commonly so much raised, that the lower part of the door is buried,
and we can seldom see the whole of the design; however, we may ven-

2 z 2

356

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

ture to propose Figs. 47, 48, and 49, in PI. XXX. XXXI. as what, there
is reason to believe, from the great number we have measured and com¬
pared, were very usual methods of constructing them. Designs formed
in this way, I am persuaded, would not differ materially from what a
Norman architect would have made. I have chosen rather to make use
of prints and drawings by professional men than my own, for two
reasons — first, they are probably better and more accurately measured
than what I should have been able to make, and secondly, they cannot
be suspected of any deviation from truth to favour my own notions.
I have not examined enough of the Windows in buildings of this
style to speak with any confidence as to the manner in which they
were designed : the most ancient are small and very narrow for their
height, but it may be questioned whether they are more so than what
has been here called the extreme proportion of the Vesica Piscis. (See
PI. XXXI. Fig. 50, No.l and 2.)

The use of this figure in designing Gothic Arches, Doors, and Win¬
dows, whose upper part is pointed, appears more obvious ; and no doubt
it is so with respect to the mere Arch itself, but that is not the use of it
here meant. There are here two different applications of the figure
which are perfectly distinct ; and we must take care to consider them
so, for we shall be led into great mistakes if we confuse them together.
A Gothic Arch of two centers is always part of some Vesica Piscis ; one
half of it exactly, if it be complete : but that by which the proportion of
the height to the width of the Door, or Window, or Arch to which it be¬
longs is adjusted, may be a very different thing, (see PI. XXXI. Fig. 51)
and usually is so; although there are instances where the same Vesica
serves for both purposes. See the Window, PI. XXXI. Fig. 52.

There is another class of things generally admired and highly orna¬
mental, in whose design this mysterious figure does really appear to
have had a great influence where perhaps it would not easily have been
suspected : I mean Pinnacles and Spires. (PI. XXXI. Fig. 53, PI. XXXII.
Fig. 54 and 55.) The Fig. 56, in PI. XXXII. No. 1, 2, 3, are meant to
shew the mode in which, it is conceived, the design for the Spire of
Salisbury Cathedral was made. It would be easy to determine whether

in the Architecture of the Middle Ages, and in Gothic Architecture. 357

it really was so or not, by only measuring the outward angle BAS, or
the outward angle HGM, for it is evident they must differ, the one
being the angle which the side of a cone circumscribed to the pyramid
makes with the plane of the horizon, the other that which one in¬
scribed within it makes with the same plane. Whether there be any
of a higher proportion than this, (such as PI. XXXII. Fig. 55) may
be a subject of future inquiry : it is very probable that there are,
though I do not recollect to have seen any that appeared to be so ;

■s

but without actual measurement one can never speak with certainty.
Spires of lower proportion are common, (PI. XXXI. Fig. 53,) and
those differing very much from each other ; and it seems reasonable
to suppose their various forms were regulated by some settled and
known rules, as those of plans were.

Spires I believe are all pyramids, and usually octagonal : it is
generally said they are not very ancient, and they are understood to
belong to the light architecture we call Gothic, exclusively : And
perhaps, properly speaking, it may be true : but that will depend
entirely upon a definition: we certainly find things very similar in
Norman architecture, and a sort of rudiment of them in buildings
which are extremely ancient ; for although some of them are very low,
and upon square or quadrilateral bases, they still are pyramids, and
must be considered as things of the same nature.

Whether the same mode was adopted to settle the altitude of
Towers and Steeples, in proportion to either the side or the diagonal
of their base, I do not know; but it seems exceedingly probable that
it was. And should the instances here produced be thought sufficient
to prove that the architects used it in the former cases, one would
expect to find, upon examination, that the use of if was very general
in making their designs of all kinds : Elevations and Sections, as well
as plans, and the Facades of Churches, Chapels, Porches, and other
religious buildings. It certainly might be of universal application
wherever the proportion of height or length to breadth was to be de¬
termined ; and perhaps it would not be easy to find a readier way
of doing it.

358

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

To pursue the matter further would increase this Dissertation to an
unreasonable length. At present I will content myself with giving a
single example of the mode in which designs for the front of a
Norman Church were, as there is reason to believe, very generally
constructed. (PI. XXXIII. Fig. 57.)

Lastly, in designing the arches which separate the aisles from the
nave of churches, we discover the same figure used with regard to the
leading, or as they were probably called, master-lines, which determined
their forms, but in a way something different (see PI. XXXIII. Fig5. 58,
59, and 60); and in these designs there was often, not only a double
application of the Vesica, as before in those of Gothic doors and
windows, but frequently the intersecting circles which form it, an¬
swered a further purpose in adjusting the height of the pillars which
support the arches ; and sometimes for determining also the place of
the string-course above them, upon which the next tier of pillars and
arches was to be placed. And here it may not be improper to
explain the great importance of our being right as to these master¬
lines, and the errors which must, and do constantly arise from mistakes
concerning them. For example, in any one of the cases before us, if a
man should have supposed the line abc in the arch ABC, PI. XXXIII.
Fig. 58, 59, to be the master-line, he would have found it anomalous,
as all but the one line ABC, &c. must be ; or else belonging to a
different rule from that by which the design he is examining is
governed; and as to this design it would in fact really be anomalous,
however regular it might be in itself ; and he must have taken a
matter to be extremely intricate, which in reality was not so : it would
have been to him unintelligible : he would have made wrong conclu¬
sions, and perhaps have entertained a false notion, that the Gothic
Architects worked at random, without any fixed rules at all. We may
observe that the master-line which regulates the form of these arches
usually passes through the middle of the impost, or top of the pillar,
on each side, upon which they rest ; and is scarcely ever visible, or
marked upon the wall by any moulding, projection, or excavation.

In Gothic windows the line running along the middle of the out-

in the Architecture of the Middle Ages , and in Gothic Architecture. 359

ward frame is that which regulates the arch, and all its mouldings how¬
ever numerous, whether on the outside or within it : although ano¬
ther (as was observed before), not visibly presented to the eye of the
spectator, may be the great ruling line which governed the whole
design, and determined its proportions ; and is a master-line in a
rather different sense.

In Gothic doors it seems to be the arch of the door itself, the
opening, the void, which is the master-line ; and all those above it, of
whatever mouldings they may be composed, will, of course, be ano¬
malous, unless they should be so many or so broad as to reach ano¬
ther of the arches drawn according to the rule first laid down; which
might be fairly called regular also, although in this design it would not
be the leading line. And possibly in some cases these two lines
would be, what is called commutable, and it might be a matter of
indifference which of them was considered as the master-line. But
still if the instances are few where this second regular arch is attained,
it would be reasonable always to take that of the door itself for the
principal or master-line of the design.

But however we may be convinced that the old Architects had rules
to which they adhered very strictly, we are not to suppose they were
so rigid in their observance as never to deviate from them in the
smallest degree, whatever reasons there might be to do so, on account
of convenience, situation, or particular notions of imagined beauty,
elegance, or propriety. No art ever was or could be subjected to
such rigour, nor could artists so shackled have gone on at all.
Every one of them must have had his own particular bent, or genius,
as it is called : and it is from studying a great number of their works
that we can alone hope to distinguish what should be referred to that,
and what is the result of general, established, and acknowledged laws,
which are really what constitute the art. We must not expect to find
every building we meet with either designed or executed with exact
regularity : from love of novelty, vanity, and affectation of originality,
as well as from want of abilities, strange irregular and enormous
things have been produced in all the arts, in every age and country.

360

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

The multitude of Gothic buildings still remaining is prodigious.
In many parts of England a man can scarcely travel twenty miles
without finding something of this kind perfectly new to him, and dif¬
ferent from what he had any idea of before. To examine them all
would be impossible ; but if a selection were made of such as are most
deserving of attention, their curiosity and antiquity being taken into
the account, it would tend very much to further our inquiry. This
would be a matter of considerable labour, and would besides require
some sagacity and judgment, as well as acquaintance with the sub¬
ject, : many of the buildings from which most information might be
derived, are small and of little outward appearance, and for the most
part have been hitherto overlooked.

But notwithstanding the great number of examples we have to
study, I am still fully aware what an arduous undertaking it is, to
deduce from things existing the rules by which they were formed ; and
how much more so it must ever be to discover the principles on which
those rules were made. Numberless difficulties also will stand in our
way, which are peculiar to the present case. We must reason back
from things perhaps originally ill designed, or very inaccurately set
out at first, and grossly executed, by men who hardly understood the
rules by which they worked, and the principles of Avhich were either
kept from them by design, or were far above their comprehension :
add to which, most of the buildings are now in ruins, or much out of
repair ; and what is worse, have in general been altered and deformed
in times long posterior to their original foundation. So that the
utmost we can hope for is to find out, by their approaches to them in
numerous instances, what the proportions and designs were at which
the workmen aimed.

Very few of the prints or drawings we can procure are executed
with sufficient accuracy : the measures have not, in general, been
taken with so much care as they ought to have been, or so exactly
reduced to a scale ; and they are often too small for our purpose.
No doubt, therefore, I must have made mistakes in particular in-

in the Architecture of the Middle Ages, and in Gothic Architecture. 36 1

stances, and been erroneous as to the precise form of the Vesica which
was used, and the stations of the centers from which it was actually
described ; but if I am right in supposing the design in question to
have been formed upon that Vesica, or one of some definite figure,
not very different from it, I shall have attained all that I expected, or
would be understood to mean. We should remember there is also
great room for error arising from the position of the walls of buildings.
They are sometimes of vast thickness when compared with the extent
of the plan to which they belong, and it may be a matter of importance
whether they be placed within the rectangle, on the outside, or upon
the very lines of it. All these difficulties taken into the account one
cannot hope to arrive immediately at certainty, or exactness. How
far what has been here offered may lead to knowledge, must be left
for future investigation to decide. The agreement of this figure,
which we have called Vesica Piscis, with the several parts of archi¬
tecture here pointed out, appears to be such as cannot well be
ascribed to accident ; and if further examination should confirm what
I have only suggested, we shall have gained an important step towards
recovering the rules and science of the ancient architects, whose works
are at present so much studied and admired ; and it may be regarded
as a sort of discovery. If on the other hand it should be all founded
in mistake, which may possibly be the case, for I cannot be abso¬
lutely sure that other modes might not have been employed and have
produced the same things, I shall be ready to apologize to the Society
for having troubled them with this paper, and can only say, in my
excuse, that what is contained in it appeared to me so plausible, 1
thought it worthy of being laid before them.

I will only add that some of the figures, produced according to
the methods here proposed, have peculiar properties which are very
remarkable.

Those of the square are well known, and have in all times given it
a decided preference : such as the equality of its sides, as well as its
angles, and the square of its diagonal being exactly double of the
square itself.

VOL. XIX.'

3 A

362

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

Fig. 63, in PI. XXXIV. has the following properties peculiar to it.
First, that its sides are to each other as the side to the diagonal of a
square ; and secondly, that if it be bisected by a right line parallel to
its shorter sides, the two halves will not only be precisely similar to
one another, but each also precisely similar to the whole.

Fig. 64, in the same Plate, produced by the length and breadth
of the mysterious figure in its simplest form, has many properties
which are singular and extremely striking indeed. First, it may be
cut by right lines drawn parallel to its shorter sides into three equal
parts, all precisely and mathematically similar to each other and to
the whole, and we may repeat the operation for ever. By thus tri¬
secting this rectangle we effect no change : we cause no alteration :
we get nothing but the same figure again. And it is evident no other
rectangle can have the same property: it is absolutely impossible
that it should : 2dly, If one third part be cut off by a right line
parallel to the shorter sides, the remaining two thirds will be pre¬
cisely similar to one half of the figure, cut off by a right line parallel to
the same sides : 3dly, If a square be cut off from it, (see the same Plate,
Fig. 65), by a right line parallel to its shorter sides, the remaining
rectangle will be similar to that Fig. 63, although not in a mathe¬
matical sense, but so nearly, that the architects might, for their pur¬
poses, consider it as the same : 4thly, If a square be also cut off in
the same manner from the other extremity, the rectangle which makes
a part of both the squares will be precisely and mathematically similar
to that on which the plans of King’s College Chapel at Cambridge, & c.
are formed, and which we have considered as the extreme or greatest
proportion of length to breadth that the oldest architects were accus¬
tomed to admit : 5thly, The diagonal of the figure is exactly double
one of its shorter sides.

1 would by no means indulge in conjectures as to the reference
these figures might possibly have to the most sacred mysteries of
religion : independently of any such allusion, their properties are of
themselves sufficiently extraordinary to have struck all who had ob¬
served them.

in the Architecture of the Middle Ages , and in Gothic Architecture. 363

But I am not arguing, nor would I be understood to suppose, that
because the old architects were much attached to the figures thus
produced, and made constant use of them in their art, every thing
they did was entirely regulated by them ; or that there were no others
which they might also hold in great estimation. A sort of excellence
seems to have been attributed to regular figures of all kinds ; and the
circle and the square were regarded as of the highest order, as the
acme and very emblems of perfection. Ideas of perfection are fixed
and permanent; not mutable and fluctuating like those of beauty,
which are ever undefined ; nor liable like them, to be disturbed by
fashion ; and perhaps it is to this very cause that the admirable uni¬
formity, harmony, and congruity, of the ancient architecture we are
treating of, is in a great measure to be ascribed.

SOME FURTHER EXPLANATION AND ACCOUNT OF THE
FIGURES IN THE PLATES, XX— XXXIV.

Fig. 1. St. John Lateran’s Church, at Rome — according to Ciampini’s plan:
outside.

2. Old St. Peter’s Church, at Rome, from plans in Bonanni, and Ciam-

pini: outside.

3. The Chapel in the Tower, London — from Mr. Carter’s plan : inside.

4. Bildwas Abbey Church — from Mr. Britton’s plan.

5. Lestwithiel Church, Cornwall — from a plan in the Philosophical

Transactions, Vol. L. p. 176.

6. St. Mary Magdalen’s Chapel, Hereford — from the plan published by

the Society of Antiquaries.

7. Croyland Church. Mr. Essex’s plan of the church as he thought it

was originally built, in No. 2. of the Bibliotheca Topographica
Britannica : outside.

8. Lincoln Cathedral, as originally built. Mr. Essex’s plan, in the

4th Vol. of the Archaeologia.

3 A 2

.364

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

Fig. 9. Ely Cathedral, as originally built — from Bentham’s plan, in his History
of Ely.

10. Great Wilbraham Church, in Cambridgeshire, according to a plan

measured for me by a friend, who lives there: inside measure.
This plan is curious on account of the narrowness of the chancel,
or eastern part of the church, in comparison of the nave, and
transept ; which seems to be in some sort accounted for by the
application of the Vesica Piscis to it in one of its forms : and
perhaps the exact coincidence may be considered as an argument
for that figure’s having been used in its formation.

11. The Abbey Church of Bath, begun soon after 1495, from Carter’s

large plan, published by the Society of Antiquaries.

12. Runcton Holm Church, Norfolk. I think its plan was set out thus,

but I did not measure it myself.

13. Church of the Hospital at Dunwich. Wilkins’s plan, in the

Archaeologia.

14. Stewkley Church, Buckinghamshire, as I make it out from Mr.

Lysons’s plan.

15. Stuntney Church, near Ely.

16. St. Giles’s Church, Cambridge — my own plan. The agreement of the

Vesica with the plan of this Church is very singular: the wall of
the west end does not stand at right angles to those of the sides,
one of which is considerably shorter than the other, and the length
of the Vesica will not agree with either of them, but it agrees
exactly with a line drawn parallel to them from A to B along the
middle of the nave. This seems to be an argument for the Vesica’s
having been actually used, in setting out the plan. This church
has been lately altered, and the curiosity of it is now destroyed.

17. Barfreston Church, in Kent — Mr. Britton’s plan.

18. Breisworth Church, Suffolk — my own plan.

19. Stourbridge Chapel — from a plan drawn by William Wilkins, Esq.

the architect.

N. B. All these (Fig. 12 — 19) are old Norman or Saxon buildings.

20. Little Maplested Church, Essex, inside measure — from Mr. Carter’s

plan.

21. Temple Church, London — from the plan published by the Society of

Antiquaries.

22. Salisbury Cathedral : outside measure — from Mr. Dodsworth’s plan.

in the Architecture of the Middle Ages, and in Gothic Architecture. 365

. 23. Chedgrave Church, Norfolk: a very small and ancient Norman church,
only 14 feet 4 inches wide — my own plan.

24. Barnwell Church, Cambridge. The rationale of its plan : let A B be

the length given, the breadth C D would be determined as in the
figure.1 It is of early Gothic architecture, of about the time of
king John.

25. Frenze Church, near Diss, in Norfolk. This is a small Gothic

church, of a style a little later; but its plan is nearly the same.

28. Little St. Mary’s Church, Cambridge : an elegant Gothic building of
the time of Edward Hid. Its plan seems to have been formed in
the same manner with those of the two last; A B being the line
given for its length.

27. King’s College Chapel, Cambridge — outside measure. The general

proportions of this celebrated building appear to have been deter¬
mined by the very same form of the Vesica Piscis ; as may be seen
in the figure. The architect then cut its breadth into four equal
parts ; two of which, in the middle, he assigned for the width of
the building within, and employed the remaining two for the walls,
side chapels, and buttresses.

28. The rectangles produced by the mean form of the Vesica Piscis, and

the six others drawn according to so many definite forms of it,
determined by dividing the given right line M N into twelve equal
parts, as is explained in page 354; perhaps effected by writing some
mysterious word of eleven letters upon it, which possibly might
also furnish names for them all.

29. The same rectangles, given separate^, and only numbered 1, 2, 3, 4,

5, 6, & 7, (as we know not what to call them), in order to point out
instances where each appears to have been made use of for a plan.
No. 1. being a square, is of the most common use of all for plans
of towers, and numberless other buildings : in the church of
St. Sophia, at Constantinople, it is taken for the plan of the whole ;
and for that of the chancel at Bath in a particular way. See
Fig. 11. No. 2. the Chancel of Tickencote, in the county of Rutland.
No. 3. Chancels of the conventual church at Ely, and of Stuntney
and Hawkston, in Cambridgeshire. No. 4. Chancel of Stourbridge
chapel, and the N. Chapel of Willingham church, Cambridgeshire.
No. 5. Chancel of St. Giles’s, Cambridge. No. G. of this I have

a That is, the length A B : breadth CD:: Sine : Versed Sine of 30°.

366

On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis

never met with any instance where it has been taken for a plan ;
but half of its Vesica, I believe, is not uncommon as the arch of a
Gothic window. No. 7. is the rectangle produced by the Vesica
Piscis in its mean form, and is the most frequently used of any
for the plan of the nave, chancel, chapel, &c. of very ancient,
Saxon, Norman, and Gothic churches, chapels and other religious
buildings : and it may be sufficient to point out the three instances
of the naves of St. Giles’s, and Stourbridge chapel, at Cambridge,
and the chapel in the Tower of London.

Fig. 30. Nos. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13, are six other rectangles, longer in pro¬
portion to their breadth/ produced by describing their respective
Vesicae, from centers taken on the line M N (Fig. 28.) given for
their breadth produced both ways, at the distance of i, f, |,
and the whole of that breadth on the outside of the figure. We
find the first. No. 8. in the old chapel at Kingston, and the chancel
at Empingham, in the county of Rutland/ 2d. No. 9. Nave of
St. Joseph’s Chapel, Glastonbury, and Prior Crawden’s elegant
chapel at Ely. 3d. No. 10. Nave of St. Joseph’s Chapel at Glas¬
tonbury, and Bishop Montacute’s Chapel, now Trinity church, at
Ely. 4th. No. 11. Of this I have yet found no instance. 5th. No. 12.
the beautiful Chapel in the Bishop’s Palace at Wells, and the
Beauchamp Chapel at Warwick. 6th. No. 13. Nave of Burnham
Ulph Church, Norfolk.

31. The mean and two extreme proportions of the two dimensions of

plane figures in Gothic architecture : intended chiefly to shew that
in the case where they differ most, the smaller dimension is less
than half what it is in the mean proportion.

32. Birchanger Church, Essex. S. Door.

33. Moreton Valence Church Door — from Mr. Lysons’s print.

34. Barfreston Church, Kent. S. Door. Construction of the design —

from Mr. Britton’s print.

35. N. Door of the same Church, as I conceive from Mr. Britton’s print

that it was designed.

36. Earl’s Barton Church, Northamptonshire. S. Porch Door — from

Mr. Britton’s print.

a See page 354.

k This is a double square, and I believe most of these figures will be found to have pro¬
perties that are singular.

tn the Architecture of the Middle Ages , and in Gothic Architecture. 367

Fig. 37. Malmsbury Abbey Church. Door of the S. Porch — from Mr. Brit¬
ton’s plan in his Ancient Architecture.

38. Littlebury Church, Essex. S. Door — from Mr. Essex’s measures,

and drawings of my own.

39. Conventual Church, Ely. Choir Door, or rather the arch between the

church and the chancel. N. B. This is made out very satisfactorily
from Bentham’s print in his History of Ely.

40. Durham Cathedral. Lower S. Door — from Mr. Carter’s elevation.

I think it was designed thus, but I cannot be sure.

41. Cathedral of Orvieto. Great Door — from an elevation of the front

of the church, engraved 1714, by Hieron. Frezza.

42. The same, as I conceive it to have been before it was altered by

Nicola Pisano in the 13th century.

43. Cathedral of Ovieto. Great Door, with its pediment, &c. which are

supposed to have been added by Nic. Pisano.

44. Cathedral of Siena. Great Door — as I gather its design, from an

elevation of the front of the church, by Lelio Casalti, of Siena,
engraved at Rome 1719, by Max. Limpach.

45. Milton, near Cambridge. Great Arch, the W. side.

46. Stourbridge Chapel, near Cambridge. Great Arch, the W. side.

47. 48, 49, are what I conceive to be very usual methods of designing Nor¬

man doors.

50. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4, usual methods of designing Saxon and Norman

windows.

51. Gothic Door, Window, &c. with its arch of the fourth point, as it is

called, but its proportions determined by the mean or principal
Vesica Piscis.

52. Gothic Door, Window, or &c. entirely formed on the mean Vesica

Piscis ; both as to its proportions, and its arch.

53. 54, 55. Gothic Spires whose proportions are determined by difterent

forms of the Vesica Piscis.

56. Salisbury Spire. No. 1. Elevation on a line AC equal to the line

a c No. 3. No. 2. Elevation on a line G I equal to g c No. 3.
No. 3. its plan inscribed in the circle acg whose diameter is
equal to the line AC, No. 1.

57. Common mode of designing a Saxon or Norman front.

58. Arches of York Cathedral, as far as I can make them out from

Mr. Carter’s prints.

368 On the Use of the Figure called Vesica Piscis, 8$c.

Fig. 59. Arches of St. Edward’s Church, Cambridge. The three beautiful
arches at the E. end of the choir at Wells, and those of the eastern
part of Westminster Abbey, are formed in the same way.

60. Arches of Salisbury Cathedral — so far as I am able to make them

out from Price, and from Mr. Carter’s prints.

61. Gothic Door, with its arch of, what is called, the third point, but its

proportions those of the mean Vesica Piscis.

62. Gothic Door, formed by a double application of the mean Vesica

Piscis, whose arch is half of that figure ; but splayed, and in¬
creased by mouldings, till it reaches the arch of the fourth point ;
which is one half of the Vesica Piscis, No. 4. Fig. 29.

63. Rectangle which may be bisected continually into parts similar to

itself. See page 362.

64. Rectangle which may be trisected continually into parts similar to

itself. See page 362.

65. Same rectangle, with a square cut off from each extremity, including

within them both, the rectangle formed on the extreme Vesica
Piscis. See page 362.

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369

XXXVIII. On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse : by
Richard Payne Knight, Esq. V.P.

Read 15th Feb. 1821.

Among the wrecks and fragments of ancient art and magnificence,
which have resisted the waste of time, or escaped the more destruc¬
tive ravages of barbarism and bigotry, none are so universally allowed
to approach so near to abstract perfection, both in design and execu¬
tion ; or so far to surpass all subsequent efforts of imitation, as those
large silver coins of Syracuse with a head of Ceres or Proserpine on
the one side, and a chariot with four horses abreast, driven by a Vic¬
tory, on the other, commonly called Syracusian Medaglions.

All the coinage of ancient States, whether republican or monar¬
chical, was solely of money; none having ever stricken what are
now called medals in honour of particular persons, or in comme¬
moration of particular events ; and when we compare the smallness
and insignificance of many of these states, scarcely known to the histo¬
rian or geographer, with the exquisite beauty, elegance, and costly
refinement displayed in their money, the common drudge of retail
trafiick in the lowest stages of society, we must admit that there is
scarcely any thing more wonderful in the history of man.

But admirable as the taste and finishing are in multitudes of diffe¬
rent sizes and metals, which have come down to us from different Cities
on almost every shore of the Mediterranean, and from the different
dynasties of the Macedonian kings, none are at all comparable to
these large coins of Syracuse ; whether it be for grandeur, richness, and
elegance of design; boldness, truth, and softness of relief; precision,
extent, and delicacy of finish; or the power of machinery neces¬
sarily employed in striking them. Coins of the same weight and
pecuniary value were issued from the mint in the earliest times of the
same republic, when the art was yet rude ; and others in later ages,

3 B

VOL. XIX.

370

On the large Silver Corns of Syracuse.

partly after its decline, from those of Agrigentum, Carthage, and King
Hiero ; but all in a very inferior style ; and latterly of reduced
weight; of which the original and legitimate standard seems to have
been, according to the monetary divisions of the Heraclean inscrip¬
tion, that of the Mina of the Sicilian and Italian Greeks,3 adopted by
the Carthagenians during their intercourse with them. Specimens of
these are to be found in most Collections, though less common than
those in question, and none of high antiquity : but of the earliest Sy-
racusian, we know only two, one in the Glasgow, and the other in
the Duke of Devonshire's collection ; of Agrigentum only one, in the
French museum ; and of Hiero only three, one in that of Lord North-
wick, and two in that of Mr. Payne Knight, one with the portrait of
him when young, and the other, when extremely old ; a difference
which proves, contrary to the opinion of M. Visconti, b that the por¬
trait, as well as the coin, is of the second Hiero ; the first not having-
reigned long, nor lived to a great age ; nor would he have been repre¬
sented without a beard ; the fashion of shaving the face having been
introduced among the Greeks with the Macedonian conquest.

Under the chariot, on the coins in question, are represented de¬
tached pieces of armour ; and, when not obliterated by time or acci¬
dent, the word A0AA ; whence it has been conjectured that they were
stricken in honour of prizes gained in the Olympic games : but suits
of armour never constituted the prizes or abka to be contended for,
either in those, or any other games ; and the pieces, here exhibited,
are precisely those which compose a trophy, the honorary prize of a
victory in the field of battle, not in the Stadium or Circus. If there¬
fore commemorative, they must be of victories more momentous and
important than the Olympic. But besides that no such means of com¬
memorating victories, or public events of any kind, were ever em¬
ployed by the Greeks, their abundance, and their similarity in weight
and value to other coins of other periods, other states, and with
different devices, clearly prove them to have been money. Yet,
though so abundant as to exhibit, in the different cabinets of Europe,

‘ See Proleg. in Homer. §. lvi. b Iconographie Greque.

371

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

impressions of at least an hundred different dies ; all are nearly in the
same style, or display different modes rather than different degrees of
excellence ; such as a very few artists of the same age ; or even one
artist, at different periods of his life ; or merely for the sake of variety,
at the same period, might exhibit in different works. None of them
are so archaic as the most recent of the silver tetradrachms of the
Sicilian Greek cities subverted immediately before, or early in the
reign of Dionysius ; such as Himera, Selinus, Leontium, Gela,
Camerina, and Naxus ; and all have the omega in the genitive plural of
the name, which none of those have.

This letter, together with the eta, was first received into public use
by the Athenians, in the three hundredth and thirty-ninth year before
the Christian sera, the eleventh of the reign of Dionysius ; and though
it appears to have been before in very general private use, and also
to have been publicly employed by several of the Macedonian and
Asiatic colonial states, the coins above cited afford strong presump¬
tive evidence that it was not common among the Sicilian Greeks at
any earlier period, if known at all. The use of the eta seems every
where to have preceded that of the omega : and the latter to have
been employed in syllables, of which the quantity Avas less generally
known, before it was admitted into the final of the genitive plural ; as
in KftlON, and TEAfdON, found in the coins of Cos, and Gela after
its restoration.

After the first expulsion of the younger Dionysius, forty-eight years
after the usurpation of the government by the elder, a continued suc¬
cession of tumults, massacres, and conflicting tyrannies ensued during
fourteen years, which reduced the greatest, most wealthy, and flou¬
rishing of the Greek cities to almost a deserted village ; so that when
Timoleon obtained possession of it with a small force from Corinth,
he was obliged to invite colonists from all parts, principally from the
latter city, to occupy its forsaken streets and desolate squares, which
had become clothed with thickets, the haunts of wild beasts. Of
these colonists, the silver coins are distinguished by the Corinthian
device of a helmed head of Minerva on one side, and winged horse on

3 B 2

372

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

the other; and the gold by a similar winged horse, accompanied, on
the other side, by a bearded head crowned with olive, and inscribed
around ZETS EAET0EPIOS, Jupiter the Deliverer ; evidently alluding
to the deliverance of the city from its petty tyrants, and the resto¬
ration of its free constitution by the Peloponnesian chieftain and his
associates. In these we trace a very different, though still a very neat
and elegant style of art; which seems to have continued with little
variation, the same artists probably having been employed, for the
next twenty years, to the usurpation by Agathocles ; after whom
followed, with short intervals of anarchy, a succession of monarchs
down to the capture of the city by the Romans, in which all its ele¬
gance and splendour were finally extinguished.

The coins of all these later princes, as well as those of Agathocles,
are distinguished by their names inscribed, and many of them by their
portraits : but it does not appear that any of those, who preceded the
last-mentioned sanguinary destroyer of mankind, ever assumed the
title, or any of the exterior ensigns, or ostensible prerogatives of a
king. Coins have, indeed, been produced with their names; but they
have either been modern counterfeits, or belonged to later princes of
the same names ; as to the second Hiero, Gelo his son, and Dionysius
of Heraclea in Bithynia.

The more antient Gelo and Hiero, as well as the two Dionysii of
Syracuse, were merely dictators or supreme commanders without controul
or responsibility, (fiyepoveg avroKpa.Topeg,') whose power, being undefined,
was of course unlimited ; and whose domination in the latter instances,
as in those of all the numerous lesser usurpers of the same age, was
supported by armed bodies of foreign mercenaries, composed gene¬
rally of fugitive adventurers and ferocious barbarians, extravagantly
paid by severe exactions from the unarmed population ; and having
no community of feeling or interest, but with each other, and w ith
their employer; a participation in whose murders and confiscations,
to an extent that precluded all hopes of impunity from any other,
was at once the most secure pledge of their fidelity, and the most
prompt and obvious means of his safety.

373

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

Such governments were, in their constitution, antimoral ; and of
course, in their operation, jealous, hard, and violent ; so that they could
only be restricted to that degree of injustice and rapacity, which was
compatible with their prosperity and continuance ; bv a superiority
of vigour and talent in the head proportionate to the superiority of his
station. The instruments of rule required an arm sufficiently strong
to bend them all to one centre ; or else they recoiled in every direction,
and spread destruction above, as well as below, and all around them.
Hence Dionysius himself, in one of his tragedies, stated such rule to
be the mother of injustice — h 7aP rvpawis afty/aae pj-n^ e <fiv — ; and, though
we know but little of his own civil or internal administration, the only
detailed history extant, that of Diodorus, being principally of his
wars; yet all ancient writers, who have incidentally mentioned it,
speak of it as almost proverbially jealous, severe, and sanguinary;
and Plutarch cites, as an historical truth generally known and ad¬
mitted, that he had put to death, during the course of it, at least ten
thousand of the citizens/

Upon what grounds, therefore, he has lately been set up as a model
of mildness, justice, and generosity, it is difficult to discover; nor can
we perceive that his acknowledged greatness was built upon any
solid or beneficial foundation : for though he undoubtedly enlarged,
strengthened, and embellished to the utmost the city of Syracuse ;
and surrounded himself with a power, naval and military, superior to
any that had existed in Europe, prior to the rise of the Macedonian
empire ; yet he appears to have done it by condensing and com¬
pressing, rather than augmenting and extending the resources and
prosperity of the country, over which he presided ; and, by such
compressure, and the overstrained exertions, which it enabled him to
make, to have nourished the morbid growth of internal weakness,
under the fostering veil of external bulk and splendor. To aggrandise
Syracuse, five neighbouring cities, Gela, Camerina, Naxus, Leontium,
and Catana ; of which the abundance and beauty of the coins still

1 T uv /xey noXtruv /xvpiovt;, vj kou tt \tiov;, ccvekuv. De fort. Alex. Or. II. The numeral f*.vpioi is often
used indefinitely to signify any very great number : but the addition of ij km nXeiovi; proves
that its sense is here definite.

374

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

attest the wealth and civilization, were destroyed, and the inhabitants
transferred thither, for no other apparent purpose, than that they
might be more easily kept in subjection, and become more ready and
obedient instruments of his ambition.

This Concentration, at a time when the Arts of Greece had just
reached the summit of excellence, naturally afforded an abundant
choice of the most consummate artists to one, who had alike power
to compel, skill and taste to select, and wealth and liberality
to reward ; and whose ambition was as eager to display itself in
the promotion of elegant art, as in the acquisition of territorial
dominion. To this combination of power, skill, taste, wealth, libe¬
rality, and ambition, it is that we appear to owe the Coins in ques¬
tion : for there is no other period in the history of Syracuse, except
this half century of the reign of the two Dionysii, to which they can,
with any reasonable probability, be attributed ; and with the circum¬
stances of this, they in every respect accord. The zeal and eagerness
of the father for every species of improvement, polish, and refinement,
would naturally cause him to be one of the first to adopt the double
vowels ; and his ostentatious magnificence, in every thing that could
display wealth and taste, would naturally direct his efforts to the
most widely circulating vehicle of it, the national coin ; whose
monetary scale, affording the largest pieces then in use, gave the
most extensive scope for exertion in the artist, and liberality in the
patron.

The government of Syracuse, during the intervals of military usur¬
pation, was what was then called a democracy, that is conducted by
the equal suffrages of all the free citizens, amounting rarely to more
than a tenth of the male population. Yet, even thus restricted, it must
have been too widely diffused to bestow so much expense and atten¬
tion upon objects so minute ; though in a temple, or a colossal statue
to adorn it, it might have exceeded the most gigantic magnificence of
the mightiest monarchs. Accordingly we find that the corresponding
pieces of money, of an earlier age, and of the other cities which issued

375

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

them, are not only less elegantly and exquisitely, but far less elabo¬
rately wrought, and of lower relief, so as to render coinage much
less expensive ; the expense of the pieces in question having, indeed,
been necessarily such, that no practical extension of the numeric
beyond the metallic value could at any time have repaid it ; nor could
such extension ever be made the means of important profit, except
in great empires, its effects being necessarily confined to internal
circulation.

After the diffusion of the hoarded treasures of the Persian kings by
Alexander and his successors, the quantity of money in circulation
seems to have been very generally increased ; and consequently, as
greater rapidity was required in the fabrication, a more hasty and sketchy
mode was adopted in sinking the dies. Even those of the different
dynasties of the Macedonian kings, though in the highest style both
of conception and execution, of which the art is capable, are far less
deeply engraved, and less elaborately composed and finished, than
these of Syracuse ; to the sublime perfection of which, nothing in the
works of man, of a similar description, has hitherto even approached.

In some instances the letters KIM, or simply K, are inscribed on the
front of the diadem of Proserpine ; which are the initials of the name
of the artist KIMQN, inscribed in others at length on the dolphin under
the head ; and it is remarkable that these letters are found, in pre¬
cisely the same forms, on those which differ most in style and manner
of finishing from each other ; a confirmation of what has been before
observed, that this difference is not greater, than what may reasonably
be admitted to exist in different works of the same period, and even
of the same hand, adapting itself, with the skill of a great master, to
every variation in the taste of its employer.

Of these Coins with the name of the artist at length, two have lately
appeared, one in the cabinet of Mr. Thomas, and the other in that of
Mr. Payne Knight, out of the same die ; a rare occurrence even in
pieces the most common, especially in those of the early republics :
for as the arts of hardening metals and constructing machinery were

376

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

but imperfectly understood, the number of dies, in proportion to the
quantity of the coinage, was much greater than is now required ; par¬
ticularly where the extreme depth of the parts and fineness of the
interstices rendered them liable to injury from sudden and accidental
fracture, as well as from continued regular use. Of such fractures,
we frequently find traces in these coins ; though none has appeared
from a worn or blunted die ; of which instances are not uncommon in
every other class of antient money : but the same fastidious taste and
unsparing magnificence, which would allow no variation but that of
supreme excellence in the work, allowed no imperfect or impaired
example even of that to go forth. This is consistent with the general
high-toned character of the elder Dionysius ; for whose compre¬
hensive vigilance and industry, nothing was either too vast, or too
minute ; and whose hours of relaxation were employed in what requires,
from inferior men, the most serious exertion. When his son in exile
was entertained by king Philip, and asked, What time his father,
amidst such continued and momentous occupations, could have found for
writing tragedies; he answered, “ The time which / ou and I spend , as
we are spending the present .” A memorable lesson for those, who
trifle away time and talent in what, they are afterwards surprised to
find, afforded no real gratification at the moment, nor left any valuable
materials for reflection in reserve.

The poetical talents of Dionysius do not, indeed, appear to have
been upon a scale proportioned to that of the other faculties of his
mind : but, nevertheless, they enabled him to gain a prize in a demo¬
cratic State, over which he had no political influence ; with which he
was often at open enmity ; and where the personal feelings of the
suffragans were, of course, any thing but friendly to him. When,
therefore, we consider that, in spite of these j personal feelings, con¬
temporary enemies united to do him justice in this instance, we can
scarcely admit, with even a shade of probability, that subsequent
writers, of various ages and nations, all equally removed from the
contagion of such feelings, should have united to do him injustice in
every other. Neither their moral, nor their political prejudices could,

On the large Silver Corns of Syracuse. 377

could, from any reasonable or probable motives, have been more ini¬
mical to him than to his predecessor, the first Gelo, or his successor,
the second Hiero; to both of whom they have given abundant credit
for mildness and moderation in the use of equally usurped and unli¬
mited power: nor can we perceive any cause, why they should so
unanimously have denied those virtues to him, had he in any degree ex¬
ercised them. But it seems that there are some characters so strongly
marked, with features so splendid and dazzling, that no distance
of space or time can render fixed attention to them perfectly cool and
impartial; of which we have had instances, within the last century,
in historians who have shewn themselves as much the respective par-
tizans of Caesar and Cicero, as the most busy electioneering) .agent
of the day could have been; notwithstanding that we have, in the
authentic memoirs of the first, and the confidential correspondence
of the second of these two great statesmen, more certain evidence of
the principles, motives, and circumstances, which respectively guided
them, than we have of those of any others in antient history.

Of the Transactions of Dionysius, whether public or private, we
have no contemporary history or original document extant : but, as
the age was fertile in writers, many such must have presented their
stores of authentic information to those, whose reports have reached
us, particularly Philistus, his steady partizan and adherent through
all the fortunes of his family ; to which he sacrificed his life ; and to
which his monarchical principles and opinions, more than his per¬
sonal feelings, seem to have attached him. Yet in the twelve books,
employed in detailing the transactions of this government, in which
he had borne no inconsiderable part, he does not appear to have left
such a picture of it as to make a single convert to his principles and
opinions ; but, on the contrary, to have supplied abundant motives
and materials for abhorrence and detestation.

Like the great king of Prussia, Dionysius raised a vast power
from inadequate resources, by keeping his means, as well as his
mind, on the full stretch ; and diffusing through all a supernatural
tone of energy and activity. But, in political, as in physical bodies,

3 c

VOL. XIX.

378

On the large Silver Coins of Syracuse.

though overstrained exertions may exhibit marvellous results for a
moment, they always leave a settled morbid debility to succeed;
and such appears to have been the case in the government of Dio¬
nysius ; which exhibited a spectacle of splendor and strength in
arts and arms, which the world had not thitherto seen ; but which
was soon afterwards crumbled into nothing by the mere approach of
a force, apparently quite inadequate to contend with it ; leaving no
trace of its having existed, but in the weakness and exhaustion,
which prepared the country for the successive foreign dominations,
which followed, of Carthagenians, Epirotes, and Romans ; and in
those prodigies of taste, skill, and manual dexterity, which form the
subject of the present Inquiry.

379

XXXIX. The Runic Inscription on the Font at Bridekirk considered,

and a new Interpretation proposed ; by William Hamper, Esq.
F.S. A. in a Letter addressed to Nicholas Carlisle, Esq.F.R.S .

Secretary.

Read 9th November, 1820.

Deritend House, Birmingham,

DEAR SIR, 17th July, 1820.

The Runic Inscription on the Font at Bridekirk, in Cumberland, has
long’ attracted the attention of our Antiquaries, though not very suc¬
cessfully ; owing in some degree, no doubt, to the unfamiliar aspect of
its characters. “ What they mean, and to what nation they belong,
let the learned determine, for it is all mystery to me,” exclaims Cam¬
den, A. D. 1607.

Olaus Wormius, in a letter to Spelman, A. D. 1634, thus translates
the inscription :

<c Haraldus cumulum fecit, et lapides erexit in memoriam matris et Mabroki."

Gough’s Camden, Vol. III. p. 183.

A version which, even allowing that eminent scholar to have been
somewhat misled by Camden’s faulty copy, may be termed most ex¬
traordinary.

Gibson, in his excellent edition of the Britannia, col. 1007, intro¬
duces an epistle from Bishop Nicolson to Sir William Dugdale, dated
Carlisle, Nov. 23d, 1685, in which the subject is elaborately investi¬
gated, and its reading conceived to be as follows :

“ Er Ekard han men egrocten, and to dis men red wer Taner men brogten."
i. e. “ Here Ekard was converted, and to this man's example were the Danes brought."

3 C 2

380

The Runic Inscription on the Font

This interpretation, having been adopted by Hickes, in 1705, (The¬
saurus, Tabella II. p. 4, Gram. Isl.) and Bishop Lyttelton, in 1767,
(Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 131,) has maintained its ground to the present
day; though confessedly replete with verbal and historical diffi¬
culties.8 It was, however, reserved for the zeal and industry of Henry
Howard, Esq. of Corby Castle, in a paper read before your learned
Society, May 14th, 1801, to present to the lovers of antiquity a full
and satisfactory account of this venerable Font, though without any
attempt to controvert the bishop’s opinion, in general? To that com¬
munication, published with four engravings in the Archaeologia, Vol.
XIV. p. 113, 1 beg to refer all who wish for a clear idea of the whole,
my present Observations being confined to a review of the inscription
only. It must, nevertheless, be premised, that the west side of the
font bears the sacred symbol of our faith ; its north side what may,
or may not be the expulsion of Adam and Eve from Paradise, for
there is some dispute about it; its east side, the baptism of our Saviour
by St.John; all without accompanying verbal explanation: whilst
the Sculptor himself, in propria persona, working with his mallet
and chisel, (like Archidamos in the cave of Pan?) is seen on the
south side, with the subject of enquiry on a scroll immediately above
him. v

This is “ as perfect and distinct as it could have been the day when
it came from the workman’s hand;” the only difference of opinion that
can arise, being (to continue the words of Mr. Howard) “ whether
some of the marks in the stone were originally intended for stops , or
whether they were only inequalities on the surface of the stone
itself.”

* Bishop Nicolson himself, on a re-examination of the subject in 1703, acknowledges that
he found it, in some little particulars , different from what he had at first observed it to be.
(Nicolson and Burn, vol. II. p. 102.)

b Mr. Howard very judiciously suggested that the word Taner was more likely to be Nor:
the letters in fact being NR.

* Dodwell’s Tour through Greece, vol. I. p. 553.

Plate mXYo

Inscription on Bridekwk Font in Cumberland, .

at Bridekirk considered.

381

These marks certainly contributed to mislead Bishop Nicolson,
who also set out with a wrong impression as to the first character in
the inscription, which is evidently a cross, the accustomed prefix,
and not the letter E, or any other letter.1 A reduced fac-simile, from
one of Mr. Howard’s plates, (see PI. XXXV.) will best exhibit the
legend, and is now annexed for that purpose. After the most careful
consideration, I venture to read it thus ; as forming a sort of jingling
couplet :

RICARD . HE . ME . IGRUCTE .

AND . TO . DIS . MERTH . GERNR . ME . BROCTE .

Ricardus ille me coelavit,

Et ad hanc formam sedul6 me adduxit.

Richard he me wrought,

And to this form me diligently brought.

Three words, and three only, seem to require elucidation. The
first of these is i. e. IGRUCTE; and in that truly-named

Treasury of Northern learning, Hickes’s Thesaurus, I find a gold ring,
inscribed, JE«RED MECA HEANRED MEC AGROFT, i.e. Mthredus
conjujG Heayircedce me coelavit: a reading confirmed, as the author
observes, by a clause in the will of Wynfleda, whereby she bequeaths
to her daughter iEthelfleda — hype a^papenan beah — annulum , sive
armillam, suum ccelatum.

* The same is also apparent from the engraving in Lysons’s Cumberland, p. cxciii. where
those accomplished antiquaries give it as their opinion that the style of the sculptures
“ would clearly indicate the font to be the work of an earlier age than that of the Norman
conquest, if it had not the Dano-Saxon inscription. The scroll on which this inscription is
cut, rests on two pillars, one of which is evidently clustered, and of a lighter style than
that which prevailed a short time before the conquest.” The marks in the stone above
alluded to, are of themselves so insignificant, that those intermixed with the first word are
not given by Messrs. Lysons, in their fac-simile 3 whilst they notice some after the second
word which are not in Mr. Howard’s.

382

Runic Inscription on the Font at Bridekirk considej'ed.

The second is 'n RJ) i. e. MERTH ; which I presume to be
mcejvS, or forma : the third is 31-IUR i. e. GERNR, obvi¬

ously the same with ^eojine, diligenter , seduR.

It may be further observed that the character \ i. e. ME, is a
monogram of ^ M, and 'f. E ; that ^ i. e. TE, is a monogram of

^ T, and ^ E ; and that there is no authority whatever for the N
final, which Bishop Nicolson attaches to six of the words.

In conclusion, unless I am greatly deceived, I think it will be
acknowledged that this far-famed Inscription, instead of commemo¬
rating the conversion of Ekard and the Danes, has been strangely
misunderstood, and that it merely records the name of the ingenious
Sculptor; who, from the masterly style of his performance, must
have held no inconsiderable professional rank at the period of his
labours. To his memory, therefore, thus retrieved from oblivion, I
dedicate these Remarks ; and, in humble imitation of a superior
writer, who thus honours a superior artist, a shall close them with the
name of — RICHARD.

I remain, with great esteem, dear Sir,

Your’s sincerely,

WILLIAM HAMPER

1 Sir Joshua Reynolds and Michael Angelo.

Jlud.Reptcn tfeZ'.

Jf Basis'? sc.

383

XL. On the Posts anciently placed on each side of the Gates of
Chief Magistrates of Cities in England. By John Adey
Repton, Esq. E.S.A. in a Letter addressed to Nicholas
Carlisle, Esq. F.B.S. Secretary.

Read 25th January, 1821 .

Hare Street, Romford,

SIR, January 24, 1821.

Permit me through your hands to lay the enclosed papers before
the Society of Antiquaries, concerning an ancient custom of setting¬
up Posts, which were occasionally to be new painted, on each side
of the gates of Chief Magistrates of cities. The accompanying-
drawings (see PL XXXVI.) are taken from different houses in Elm-
hill near the Tomb-land, Norwich. The posts of fig. 1 are the most
ancient, and are in the style which prevailed about the reign of Henry
VIIIth ; they are covered with red paint.

Fig. 2 is taken from the south side of the street, and from the
letters T. P. on one of the posts, and the date 159- on the other,
the house probably belonged to Thomas Pettys, who (according to
Blomefield) was mayor of Norwich in 1592. Upon the arch of the
postern of the gate is the date 1608, in which year we find there was
another mayor of the same name, Sir J. Pettys. On one side of the
gateway a shield contains the arms of Pettys, and on the other side
are the arms of Pettys and an unknown coat, quarterly.

Who or what these good magistrates were Blomefield does not say,
but from the splendor of their door-posts we may suppose they were
great personages, and therefore deserving of this attempt to rescue
their names and their arms from oblivion.

384

On the Posts anciently placed on each Side

This ancient custom of decorating the entrances to the houses of
Chief Magistrates is mentioned in old Plays. I beg leave to add
two or three quotations.

I have the honour to be, Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

JOHN ADEY REPTON.

Nicholas Carlisle, Esq. &c. &c. &c.

“ Lingua, or a Combat of the Tongue and the five Senses for
superiority. A Pleasant Comcedie,” 1607. 4to.

“ Actus II. Scena III.

“ Communis Sensus. Crave my counsell, tell me what maner of
“ man he is? can he entertain a man into his house? can he hold his
“ velvet cap in one hand, and vale his bonnet with the other? knowes
“ he how to become a scarlet gowne? hath he a paire of fresh posts
“ at his doore ?

“ Phantastes. Hee’s about some hasty state matters, he talks of
“ postes methinks.

“ Com. S. Can he part a couple of dogges brawling in the streete ?

why then chose him Mayor upon my credit, heele prove a wise
“ officer.”

“ The Widow.” Act II. Beaumont and Fletcher’s, as edited by

Henry Weber, Esq.

1 11 love your door the better while I know’t.

Widow . A pair of such brothers were fitter for posts without
door, indeed to make a shew at a new chosen magistrates gate , than
“ to be used in a woman’s chamber,” &c.

s‘ (Note.) The practice of newly elected magistrates painting their
“ door posts is by no means obsolete. It is often alluded to in old
plays. For instance, in Dekkar’s Honest Whore, ‘ I hope my ac-

385

the Gates of Chief Magistrates.

“ quaintance goes in chains of gold, three and fifty times double ;
“ you know who I mean, coz. the posts of his gate are a painting
“ too."

The following passage from Dekkar’s Villanies discovered , or the
Hetmans Night Walks, may throw some light on the subject before
us. “ He saw the doores of notorious carted Bawdes (like hell gates)
“ stand night and day wide open, with a paire of harlots in taffata
“ gownes (like two painted posts) garnishing out those doores, being
“ better to the house than a double signe." Douce’s Illustrations of
Shakespeare, Vol. II.

At the door of that officer (the Sheriff) large posts, on which it
was customary to stick proclamations, were always set up. So in
a Woman never vexed, by Rowley, 1632.

“ If e’er I live to see thee Sheriff of London
“ I’ll gild thy posts.

Again, in Ben Jonson’s Every Man out of his Humour, Act Ill.
Scene IX.

“ How long should 1 be, ere I should put oft
“ To the lord chancellor’s tomb, or to the sheriff 's post ?"

Mr. Whatley observes that it was usual, out of respect, to read the
proclamations fastened on the sheriff’s post bareheaded. Dodsley’s
Plays, Vol. III.

VOL. XIX.

3 D

386

X LI . On the L i t u u s of the antient Romans ; shewing that this name had
a twofold signification ; being used to denote a sign of the highest
Priesthood , and also an Augural Staff ; but that the whole series of
numismatic writers have considered it as applicable solely to the
latter : together with some other observations , in illustration of
a Jasper Intaglia Signet , bearing the sacrificial symbols of the
Roman Pont if ex Maximus ; and recently discovered under remark¬
able circumstances in Cambridge. By Edward Daniel
Clarke, LL. D. Member of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin;
Professor of Mineralogy in the University of Cambridge ; Librarian
of the University , fc. fc. Communicated by the Rev. T. Kerrich,
M.A. F.S.A. Principal Librarian of the University of Cambridge.

Read 16th November, 1820.

There is a Symbol, which may be observed upon the medals of the
Roman empire from the time of Julius C cesar down to Gallienus, and
perhaps later, resembling, as to its form, the tendril of a Vine.3 Its
curvature is more or less convoluted in different instances ; and the
lower part of the stem is represented as if it had been stripped from
the stock of some plant.b As a further confirmation of this, it may
be observed, in a few rare examples, as a double tendril with a

See PI. XXXVII. fig. 1. where this symbol is represented as it appears upon a coin of
Julius Ccesar in Morell’s Thesaurus, tom. 3. tab. 2. Amst. 1752, with the legend Cjjsar
Consul Quintum Dictator Perpetuus. Vide Plutarch in Vita ejus. — It also appears upon
the coins of Julius when he was Dictator Tertium. See Morell. t. 3. tab. 1. fig. 33.

b See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 7. where this symbol is elaborately represented as taken from one
of the Marlborough gems, with the head of Julius Caesar. ( Gemm . Antiq. Delectus, Vol. 1 . P1.3.J
Also the form of the same symbol upon an antient bas-relief engraved for De La Chausse,
Montfaucon, Antiq. Expliq. tom. 2. parti, pi. 64. Jig. 6. A plant is figured in Montfaucon's
work from a marble described by Spon, which has similar tendrils. See PI. XXXIX. fig. 18.
also Antiq. Expliq. tom, 2. pi. 75. Jig. 3. Paris, 1719.

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

387

flower ; a or as connected with a more entire representation of some
plant ; b of which the medals of Augustus afford satisfactory evidences.
The same symbol occurs upon the monochromatic terra-cotta vessels
of libation, found in the sepulchres near Athens, c corresponding in
their shape with the Roman Prafericnla, and evidently with allusion
to a part of the Mythology of the Greeks, because in these instances
the symbol alluded to, is either borne in the hands of winged Genii,
or they appear hovering over it, as over an object of their tutelary
care.J The same symbol was used as an ornament of the sacred
architecture of the Greeks;6 and a remarkable instance is preserved
in Gi 'cevius from an antient marble described by De La Chausse /
where the Acerra or Arcula Thuraria , has this ornament, together
with the three-fold blossom, by which it is accompanied upon the
Grecian terra-cottas and in the Egyptian paintings and Hieroglyphic
sculpture. We find the same symbol constituting a part of the sym¬
bolical head-dress of the Hierarchs of Egypt,® and of Minerva among
the Greeks.*1 Among the Romans it almost always constituted one
of the sacrificial symbols used conjointly to denote the Pontifex
Maximus j and in all probability itself signified the highest branch of

* See PI. XXXVII. fig. 4. from the Nummi Contorniati of Augustus, Morell. Thesaur.
tom. 3. tab. 23. Jig. 11. with the legend Divus Augustus.

b See PI. XXXVII. fig. 2. from a coin of Augustus, Morell. Thesaur. tom. 3. tab. 39. fig.10.
c By the Greeks this kind of vessel, for the wine libation, was called Y,ntov%dov.
d See PI. XXXVIII. fig. S. taken from a terra-cotta vase found near Athens, as represented
in Clarke's Travels , Vignette at the end of Preface to Sect. 3. of Part. 2. Lond. 1816. For fur¬
ther illustration of this curious symbol from Greek monuments, see its remarkable appear¬
ance in Millin' s Galerie Mythologique, tdm. 1 . pi. 49. fig. 27 6, pi. 56. Jig . 328. tom. 2. pi. 137 '
Jig. 601. pi. 138. Jig. 505. pi. 144. Jig. 522. $c. Paris, 1711.

e See the instances adduced in the Preface as above cited, and many other which may be
observed in Montfaucon, Millin, &c. &c.
f See PI. XXXVII. fig. 5.

e See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 14. taken from the magnificent work on Egypt published by the
French, under Napoleon. A. tom. I. pi. 29. as designed from the Antiquities of the Isle of Phil at.

u See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 12. taken from an antient bas-relief of the Villa Albani. Winkel-
mann Monum. ined. No. 6.

' Vid. Vaillant in August, tom. 1. p.69. Paris, 1688.

3 D 2

388

On the Lititus of the antient Romans.

the pontificate, because in a representation of Augustus, as Pontifex
Maximus, which has been preserved upon a marble bas-relief, (see Gale-
rie cle Florence, Tom A. Par. 1819.) this Emperor is figured bearing the
symbol, in question, in his right hand. But its most conspicuous and
remarkable situation is that which has been assigned to it in two of
the finest specimens of antient art which have descended to modern
times ; namely, in the Augustan a and Tiherian gems ; b in both of
which it is placed in the hand of a deified Emperor; thereby corres¬
ponding, in the opinion of Rubenius,c to the YjK^Tpov in the left hand
of Jupiter, as described by Porphyry, d and by Codinus.6

In all these representations, this tendril- shaped symbol is seen
tapering to a point from the bottom of its stem upwards ; being not
only bent, but convoluted, in the part where the stem is thinnest.
Hence, it is reasonable to infer that it could never be confounded with
the augural staff of the Romans ; because this, according to Cicero,
instead of being very much curved at the upper extremity f was
“ leviter a summo injlexum bacillum ;s and instead of being bent in the
thinnest part of the stem,h was, as we are positively informed by
Aulus Gellius / of a contrary description : “ Lituus, sit virga brevis,

IN PARTE, QUA ROBUSTIOR EST, INCURVA, QUA AUGURES UTUNTUR.’’ -

a See PI. XXXVII. fig. 10. taken from a Cast, made from the original Gem, as repre¬
sented at the end of Morel? s Thesaurus, tom. 3. Gemma Augustea, Amst. 1752.

b See PI. XXXVII. fig. 3. taken from the engraved representation of the Achates Tibe-
rianus, at the end of the volume above cited.

c Vide Rubenium, in Diss. de Gemma Augustea, ap. Morell, Thesaur. tom. 2. p. 53. in
fin. Amst. 1752.

(1 vE%£i <le Trji gv XaioLi to <r/ojiTTpov.

Porphyrius apud Eusebium, lib. 3. cap. 9. Paeparationis Evangelic*.

* Kparei <5e r yi gev evai/v/Aui %eipl <TK7}iCTpov.

Codinus in Constantinopoli.

' See PI. XXXVII. fig. 1.

s Lituus (i. e. incurvum, et leviter a summo inflexum bacillum, quod ab ejus litui quo
eanitur, similitudine nomen invenit. — Cic. de Divinatione , l. 17. p ■ 52 6. edit. Ernesti , et
p. 46. edit. Hottingeri, Lips. 1793.

h See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 7. &c. &c.

1 Aulus Gellius, lib. 5. cap. 8. p. 316. L. Bat. 1706.

On the Lituus of the antient Romans. .389

Consequently the tendril-shaped symbol could never have been de¬
signed to represent the augural staff. Nor is this the only evidence
which may be adduced to prove this fact, as we shall presently shew.

It is therefore really extraordinary, that, with these descriptions
given of the augural Lituus, both by Cicero and by Aldus Gellius ,
and especially by the latter, the whole series of learned men, who
have written upon the subject of the Roman antiquities, should,
without a single exception, have concurred in bestowing the name of
the augural Lituus upon a symbol whose figure is the direct reverse
of the descriptions left of the baculum augurale by the Roman his¬
torians. A probable inference is, that some one of the earlier numis¬
matic authors having maintained the notion, in his writings, all the rest
have followed his example, and adopted the same opinion ; although
it may be difficult now to determine with whom the mistake ori¬
ginated. The Study of medals, gems, marbles, and terra-cottas, im¬
portant as it is to the purpose of illustrating history, is of very recent
date : nothing of this kind being known, after the revival of letters,11
until towards the middle of the sixteenth century. The oldest numis¬
matic writer was Zacharias Zacliius of Volterra ; but his observations
have been entirely consigned to oblivion, with the few exceptions
afforded in the description of Italy, by Albert us Leaucler, who con¬
fesses the advantages he derived from his work. Next to Zacliius
came Huttichius, a German of Mayence, whose work, containing the
effigies of the Caesars from their coins, was printed in the year 1534.
In this w ork the tendril-shaped symbol is not represented ; but in a

1 Before the Augustan age the study of antient Gems occupied the attention of the
greatest men of Rome. Julius Caesar consecrated six dactyliothecae in the Temple of Venus
Genitrix. Marcellus consecrated one. Ctesar Dictator sex dactyliothecas in sede Veneris
Genetricis consecravit. Marcellus Octavia genitus in Palatina Ap'ollinis uuam.” (vid. Plin.
Hist. Nat. lib. 36. c. 5. tom. 2. p.766. Paris , 1723.)

It would be easy to prove that the Roman historians and poets, especially Livy, Virgil,
Horace, and Ovid, derived much of their knowledge from the study of Antiquities ■, but the
undertaking would at present cause too much digression from the main purport of the pre¬
sent inquiry.

390

On the Litmus of the antient Romans.

smaller volume of cuts, containing the Consular Coins published by the
same author in 1537, it is represented ; a although no explanation of
the symbol is given by the author. About the same time appeared
the writings of Antonins Z ant anus , Jacobus de Strada , and William
Duchoul. Of these, de Strada s work has not a syllable upon the
subject.15 Perhaps the first notice occurs in the writer who followed ;
namely, Enea Vico of Parma. In his work printed at Venice in 1558,
and at Paris in 1619, of which the latter will be cited, c we have the
tendril- shaped symbol adduced from a medal of Augustus , to prove
that Lucius , (whose effigy occurs with that of Cains upon the reverse
of the medal) had belonged to the College of Augurs. d Hence may
perhaps be deduced what all subsequent writers from Goltzius down

a Consulum Romanorum Elenchus. Argent. 1537. The most remarkable document per¬
haps existing as representing the tendril-shaped Lituus, is a Gem in the possession of Richard
Payne Knight, Esq. which once belonged to the Ricardi, at Florence. This celebrated gem
exhibits the full face of the Dictator, Julius Ccesar, and it is the only antient monument
where he is thus represented. It has, moreover, the name of the artist Dioscorides, by
whom the Intaglia was cut, inscribed in genuine letters upon the stone. AIOSKOTPIAOT.
The tendril- shaped Lituus, and the Star, by which the Dictator’s apotheosis was supposed to
have been miraculously attested, are placed upon the right side of the head of the Dictator j
the artist’s name is on the left. The same name of Dioscorides occurs upon an Intaglia
described by Millin, representing a figure of Mercury. See Galcrie Mythologique, tom. 1.
pi. 51. fig. 206. Paris, 1811.

b Epitome Thesauri Aniiquitatum, Sic. Lugd. 1553. There is an earlier edition of the
same work printed in 1551. Beneath the effigy of Julius Caesar Le Strada has figured the
tendril-shaped symbol, together with the Simpuium, Patera, and Apex-, but they are not
otherwise noticed in the volume. (See p. 1.) So in his effigy of Augustus, p. 12. it is
figured with the Patera and Aspergillum.

c Discorsi di Enea Vico Parmegiano, sopra le Medaglie de gli Antichi. In Parigi, 1619.

d Ibid. p. 105. Cap. 9. della Dignitadi, che si raccolgono delle medaglia.

As a decisive proof that the introduction of this symbol did not necessarily relate to the
Augurate, see the remarkable marble altar engraved for Montfaucon's account of the Vows.

( Tome 2. part 1. pi. 102. p. 250. Paris , 171 9.) where the tendril-shaped symbol is repre¬
sented in bas-relief, with a flower above and below, and an inscription entire, as follows :
Fortune Reduci et Jovi sereno, Diis Deabusque sub quorum tutela Augg. militant,

C. Statius Plautianus D. D. Or, as Montfaucon renders it, “ Ara a C. Statio Plautiana
erecta fuit in honorem Fortunes reducis et Jovis sereni, atque Deornm et Dearum quorum
preesidio Imperatores bellum gerebant.”

391

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

to Morell, Vaillant , and Harduin, have advanced of a similar nature.
But if the proof were to be relied upon, of the allusion made to the
Augurate , in this symbol, how comes it to pass, that persons who did
not belong to the College of Augurs, nay whose existence was anterior
to the establishment of the College of Augurs by Romulus , should
have been represented with the same symbol?1 and again, in certain
examples, where an inscription, or the legend of a medal, denotes
that a person did belong to the augurate , wherefore has this symbol
been omitted ; even when other sacrificial symbols which usually
accompany it, have been introduced ?b By the passage of Virgil ,
which Aulus Gellius has himself cited, previous to his remarks upon
the augural Lituus , it is manifest that there was an older Lituus
called the Quirinal Lituus ,c which the antient Kings of Italy held as
a sceptre in their hands, long before the time of Romulus, or the insti¬
tution of the Augurate. Both Donatus and Servius , in their commen¬
taries upon this passage of Virgil, have explained the nature of the
Quirinal Lituus, and have affirmed that it was a regal sceptre and not
an augural staff. d This is the sort of Lituus which we see represented

* Virgil makes it the regal symbol of Picus, an antient King of Latium ; /Eneid. Lib. 7 ■
v. 187.

“ Ipse Quirinali lituo, parvaque sede'bat
“ Succinctus trabea, laevaque ancile gerebat.”

b See the medal of Julius, with the legend Caesar Augur. Pont. Max. in Morell’s The¬
saurus, tom. 3. tab. 1. fig. 32.

See also the medal of Julius Ccesar, in the Nomismata Julii Ccesaris of Goltzius, tab. 14.
fig. 6. Antverp. 1644. It has the legend Caesar Imp. Augur, with a representation of the
Aspergillum , Simpulum, Gulter, Securis , and the Apex, but the symbol called Lituus, has not
been introduced.

e See the passage of Virgil before cited.

d Ipse Picus domitor Equorum, perendeque studio equitandi praestans sedebat ferens in
dextra tituum, id est regium baculum in quo potestas esset dirimendarum litium. — Donatus.

“ Lituum dicit regium baculum

In quo potestas esset disimendarum litium.” — Servius.

The etymology is however absurd, owing to its violation ot quantity ; the Greek Xncu,
preces, is a much more probable root j but Cicero (de Divin. 1. 1. c. 17- p. 46. Lips. 1793.)
says it was called Lituus from the resemblance ot its form to that of the Roman trumpet
so named.

392

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

in the band of Augustus, at his deification, and of Tiberius , in the instances
before cited ; a and this is the identical tendril-shaped symbol which
appears upon the medals of Julius Caesar, Anthony , and Lepidus , and
upon those of Augustus and his successors, whether they were of the
Augurate, or not ; b and which has been so generally confounded with
the augural staff. Like many other of the pagan symbols, upon the
downfal of the heathen religion it found an asylum among the badges
and ornaments of the Christian Church, and its form is so accurately
preserved in the old episcopal Crosiers , that, in more than one instance,
even the slight ramifications which we have pointed out as charac¬
terizing it in some of the examples already alluded to, may also
be recognized.0

In order to distinguish it, so that it may not again be confounded
with the augural Lituus , it will now be proper to state very specifically
what the augural staff really was as to its form, and from what it was
originally derived ; for which purpose it will be necessary in the first
place to have recourse again to passages already cited, containing a
description of it, from Cicero , and from Aldus Gellius.

The augural staff, \ says Cicero , was “ slightly curved at the upper
end and Aldus Gellius adds, that this curvature took place “ in the
thickest part” of the stem. Plutarch calls it KayjrvXYj pa(3lio$, a.
hooked rod.d Livy describes it as being “ sine nodo aduncus ” — i. e.
bent into a hook without a joint ; e it therefore evidently corresponded,
in its shape, with the Pedum or shepherd’s crook, which, though often

11 See the figures of Augustus and Tiberius in PI. XXXVIII. fig. 10. and PI. XXXVII. fig. 3.
b Being possibly introduced upon their medals as the symbol of a Flamen ; the King of
the Sacrifices ; a representative of Numa ; or simply to denote a Pontifex Maximus.

c See particularly the Crosier of Peter de Aqua-bella , Bishop of Hereford, as designed by
the Rev.T. Kerrich, M.A. F.S.A. for his Account of the Bishop’s Monument in Savoy.
Archaeologia , Vol. IS. pi. XI. facing p. 188. Lond. 1817— Also the crosiers of two Bishops
of Rochester, engraved by Mr. Stothard ; of three abbots, and of Prior Hotot, (who died in
1249, at Peterborough), and of several abbots in the cathedral of Wells.
d Plutarch, in Romulo, tom. 1. p.31. in Camillo, p. 145. L. Par. 1624.
e Baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens quern lituum adpellaverunt. — Liv. lib. 1. c. 18.
Vol. 1. p. 82. edit. Drakenborg.

393

On the Lituns of the antient Romans.

knotted, is figured as being bent without a joint.3 The use of this
augural staff is attributed to Romulus ; who, according to Cicero, in
his first book de Divinatione, used it to mark out the regions of the
city, when he laid the foundation of Rome. But it is as old as the
primeval shepherds of the world. A gem is mentioned by Montfaucon,
on which Faustulus the shepherd is represented with it, sitting upon
the lupercal , and making presages, whilst the wolf is suckling Romulus
and Remus. b The augural staff is therefore, as to its origin, the
Baculum Pastorale. But this brings us home, at once; for this car¬
ries us to the source of all the sacred symbols both of the Greeks and
Romans: and without causing the slightest ambiguity or confusion
between the two symbols ; that with the tendril-shape , and the pedum;
we shall find that, among the Egyptians, the former was the symbol
of pontifical and divine power, and the latter a staff of divination. All
the implements of husbandry, as consecrated symbols, distinguish, in
Egyptian sculpture, the hierarchs and divinities of that country.
Osiris is represented with the plough, the harrow, the winnow or
fan,c and lastly with the shepherd's crook. The numerous instances
in which the last symbol occurs in the hands of the hierarchs
of Egypt may be judged of by reference to the plates in Napoleons
magnificent work as published at Paris. Of these some are remark¬
able in the figures represented of Isis and Osiris not only bearing
the shepherd’s crook as an augural staff ] which is the explanation
Lancret, and other French writers have given of it,d but the tendril-
shape symbol also occurs as a symbolical mark of distinction in the
apex or cap worn upon the head.e Thus the two symbols are opposed

* See the representations of the Pedum in Mariette, Pierres gravees du Cabinet du Roy ,
pi. 49, and pi. 72. tome l2. Paris, 1750.

b Antiq. Expliq. tom. 2. part 1. p. 146. Paris, 1719.

c Which is so often mistaken for a whip. Whose Fan is in his hand, and he will

THROUGHLY PURGE HIS FLOOR, AND WILL GATHER THE WHEAT INTO HIS GARNER.” Luke iii. 17-

d Voy. Antiques. Descriptions, tom. 1. p. 33. Par. 1809. Explication de la Planche 10.

• See PI. XXXIX. fig. 16. taken from A. vol. 1. pi. 82. of that work as designed from
the superb bas-reliefs at Esnd in upper Egypt.

VOL. XIX. 3 E

394

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

to each other in the same figure ; the augural staff' being borne in the
hand ; and the head being dignified, as by a diadem, with the other.
Nor was the shepherd’s crook held as a sacred symbol only among
the Egyptians. It constituted also a part of the Grecian Mythology,
and was always introduced into the pomps of Bacchus and of Pan.'
Upon the gems of Greece we see it displayed upon altars, and upon
sepulchral stelw, of which a remarkable instance occurred in the
royal cabinet of France, where a most beautiful representation ap¬
peared upon a Grecian gem, of Mercury , conductor of the souls of
the dead, meditating the fate of an Augur , and pointing with his
caduceus to the cumbent augural staff, lying upon a sepulchral
pillar. b It also accompanies Pan the great god of shepherds, whose
worship was derived originally from Egypt , and both among the
Homans and the Greeks it is often seen with the symbols sacred to
Bacchus .c That the augural staff should have originated in pastoral
life is very natural. Judging of the past by the present, we* may

1 The knotted pedum is evidently sacred to Bacchus. It is usually represented with a
mask, and appears in the right hand of Thalia in the Herculanean paintings, a mask being-
in her left hand, and the inscription ©AAEIA . KOMOAIAN at her feet. For its appearance
when without knots, see the marble Altar described by Montfaucon which formed part of the
Cabinet of Christina Queen of Sweden. CAntiq. F.rpliq. tome 2. part. 1. pi. 86. Paris,
1719.) The most remarkable representation of the knotted pedum occurs in a beautiful
Intaglia, of which impressions are common, that was formerly in the Borghese collection j
where a Centaur uses it as the weapon with which he combats Hercules.

b See PI. XXXIX. fig. 17- copied from the representation of a gem in Mariettas Traitd des
Pierres gravees du Cabinet du Roy, tom. 2. pi. 28. Paris, 1750. Nothing can surpass in
ignorance and absurdity the inane descriptions given of the different gems in this French work.

c See the Statue of the laughing Faun in the British Museum, of which there is a fine
representation in Combe’s Description of the antient Marbles, part. 2. pi. 24. Lond. 1815.
The pedum is in the left hand of the figure. See also the Fauns and other figures in the
Pompe Bacchique described by Montfaucou, (Antiq. Expliq. tom. 2. part. 1. p. 194. pi. 86.
Paris, 1719,) from an antient marble bas-relief, upon an altar which formed part of the
cabinet of Christina Queen of Sweden. In that bas-relief there are several representations
of the pedum exactly corresponding with the description given of the augural staff by Aulus
Gellius. Accordingly the author ( Montfaucon ) has the following observation : “ intersunt et
Satyri, quorum unus duplici ludit tibia, alter pelle prcecinctus, baculum tenet recurvum more
litui aut virgce auguralis.” Ibid. p. 194.

On the Lituus of the antient Romans. 395

partly explain the cause. Things remain, at this day, with shepherds,
pretty much as they were three thousand years ago. Although not
absolutely soothsayers, yet shepherds are always augurs. They watch
the flight of birds, and thence deduce the changes of weather; they
observe the motions of the planetary bodies ; and, as of old time,
quarter the heavens with their staff, and gather omens on the right
hand and on the left.

Having thus determined an obvious distinction between the two
symbols, the Regal, or as Virgil calls it the Quirinal Lituus, and the
pedum, or the Augural Lituus, perhaps the most interesting part of the
subject remains; namely, the great antiquity of the former sym¬
bol, and the veneration in which it was held from the first ages of
the world.

That the Quirinal Lituus, (which for perspicuity sake I have called
the tendril-shaped symbol) ought to have been considered as a dis¬
tinctive mark of supreme pontifical and therefore of regal dignity, has
been already shewn ; and especially in the observations of the old
scholiasts, before cited. This did not escape the notice of a writer
in the beginning of the last century, whose copious erudition placed
him at the head of authors who have illustrated subjects of classical
antiquity ; but being unable to point out a difference of form between
the two Litui, he considered both as being indicated by the same
figure. In his chapter upon regal insignia he has the following-
remarkable passage:3 “ Romanis vero regibus, lituus cuspide incurva,
qui etiam virga auguralis, sceptri loco est habitus .” No doubt can
possibly remain any longer upon this part of the subject; neither
would it be disputed that the original archetype of this curious symbol
was an aquatic plant, if the limits of this dissertation would allow the
insertion of all the arguments necessary to establish this truth. *> Pos¬
sibly therefore it had reference in its origin to the fertility caused by
the annual inundation of the waters of the Nile. Kircher, from

Alexandri ab Alexandra, Gen iales Dies, lib. 1. cap. 28. tom. 1. p.225. L. Bat. 1673.
h See, however, a few observations in the Preface before cited, Clarke’s Trav. sect. 3.
part. 2. Lond. 1816.

3 E 2

396

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

Theophrastus, considers it as a kind of reed* which agrees with this"
opinion ; and Kircher also explains its hieroglyphical import, as
symbolical of power and dominion.15 Yet this learned writer does not
seem to have been aware how many passages in the sacred Scrip¬
tures, confirming his opinion, become beautifully illustrated by a
knowledge of this use and application of the reed , as an ensign of
regal power. “ Thou trustest in the Staff of this bruised
reed, even upon Egypt,” said the messenger of the King of Assyria,
to the household of Hezekiahp and upon this passage Stackhouse
has observed — “ it has been supposed that the Assyrian orator alludes
to the canes or reeds which grow on the banks of the Nile, which , if it
be a just idea,' he adds, “ gives great beauty to the similitude But
how much greater beauty, and what a deeper interest, is given to
the passage, when we know that under the similitude of a reed is
here expressed, most faithfully, that emblem, which, to all who heard
the message, was the well known mark of the Egyptian sovereignty !
When the soldiers of Pontius Pilate, having stripped our Saviour,
proceeded to invest him with the mock insignia of royalty, it is
recorded by St. Matthew, that they put “ a reed in his right
hand,” and, having so done, they “ bowed the knee before him,
saying, Hail, King of the Jews !” Not that it is intended to main¬
tain that the uaXapog or reed, here mentioned by St. Matthew, was
necessarily curved ; on the contrary, there are good reasons for be¬
lieving that it was straight ; since the same word KaXayog is used to
express the reed on which the spunge was conveyed to our Lord upon
the cross. Philo, describing the Alexandrians as mocking Agrippa ,

a “ Baculus incurvus, vel lituus. Ubi notandum esse in Egypto, uti Theophrastus docet,
certum quoddam arundinis genus, quod et ob levitatem modo loco baculi superius artificiosb
incurvati, modo ob concavitem emedullatam loco litui in sacris usurpabant.” Kircher, CEdip.
/Egyptiac. tom. 3. p. 173. Rom. 1655. *

b Ibid.

c II. Kings , ch. xviii. 21. So also in Isaiah, ch. xxxvi. 6. and Ezekiel, ch. xxix. 6.
Abp. Newcome and Bishop Lowth explain the passages simply by reference to the canes
and reeds that grow upon the banks of the Nile.

397

On the Lituus of the antient Romans .

by investing a madman, named Carahas, with the ensigns of royalty,
says that they put into his hand for a sceptre3 “ a short cutting of
Papyrus which happened to he lying in the road ; and this JBynaeus
aptly compares with the reed put into our Saviour’s hand. This straight
kind of sceptre was a military staff, or baton of command; as distin¬
guished from the curved ensign of pontifical dignity : hence we see
the reason why upon the Augustan and Tiberian gems, those em¬
perors are represented bearing both sceptres, one in either hand;"
neither of which, however, were augural ensigns. The /3 aaiXiKrj paffios
of the Greeks, and the sceptrum regale of the Romans,0 when they had
the lance-form, were symbols of military dominion ; as the tendril-
formed YjKvjTTTpov was, of the highest pontifical dignity.

The original signification of the word E/oJttt/jov, according to Park-
hurst, , is derived from a Hebrew root,d which denotes “ a longish rod ,
or staff.''’ From this root Parkhurst derives the Greek oto^tw, “ to
lean upon;” whence aKYim-pov. And Rosenmuller , on Isaiah, says that
the Hebrew root, referred to by Parkhurst , corresponds with the
aKYj7TTpov of Homer. There is a custom, universally prevalent among

a Bpaxu t i ireviTvpov r //.•/; //.a Tvjq ty/upim kci6’ o<iov ippi/z-evoy. Horner describes the antient sceptres
as branches of trees with the bark and knots taken off. Jupiter’s sceptre is described by
Aristophanes as surmounted by an eagle and he says that the sceptre of all the antient
Greek kings was of the same kind. (Ar. 508.) Priam was introduced on the stage bearing
such a sceptre. (Conf. Pindar. Pyth. 1. 10.) Pausanias ( Boceot . c. 40.) speaks of an
antient sceptre of Chseronea, which the inhabitants believed to be the one which Vulcan
made for Jupiter : this they held in great reverence, and called it Sopv, a lance. Herodotus 1.
195. de Babyloniis. 2<pyiyi<ia. oeKacroq €%a. KCIL a-KYiTTTpov (a Staff) %eipo% roifyrov. eV h<ua~Ttci
3e<TKrjwTpui enetm ireiroiriiAvov vj pjXov, ’r\ pooov, '/j Kpivov, vj ale roq, y) ctXko r ». avev y ap ima-rip/.oy ov cr(f>i voimk
<W exeiv cncfiicrpov. ' Where Larcher remarks that this kind of sceptre was used both by the
Asiatic and Greek kings. The 2/apmSxu of the Persians answered to our Field Marshals,
and carried a Bdton. iEschylus calls a magistrate Vaplolxoq, a staff or truncheon-bearer.
b See PI. XXXVII. tig. 3. PI. XXXVIII. fig. 10.

c The Sceptrum Augusti says Facciolati, “ non est sceptrum regale : sed hasta imperatoria,
vel scipio eburneus, cum aquila, qualem triumphantes gestabant, &c.

d This Hebrew word toiur, occurs in Gen. xlix. 10. Numb. xxiv. 17. Exod. xxi. ‘20.
Isaiah x. 15. xxviii. 27. Mic. iv. 14. Also in Ps. xiv. 7- Isa. xiv. 5. Ezek. xi. 11. where
it denotes the sceptre of authority.

398

On the Lit uus of the ant lent Romans.

Eastern nations, which, while it serves to confirm Parkhurst in his
etymology of the woid sceptre, at the same time illustrates what he
has affirmed, in a manner of which he was not aware. The Eastern
princes, when seated upon their couches, support their bodies by
leaning1 upon a short staff, shaped like a crutch ; and this short staff’
being put into the hands of any of their agents, or ministers, invests
the person, by whom it is borne, with sovereign power. In this man¬
ner Djezzar Pasha, of Acre, conferred upon Sir Sidney Smith the
means of acting as the Pasha’s representative;3 and when we read in
Sciipture that “ Jacob, when he was dying, blessed both the
Sons of Joseph, and worshipped, leaning upon the top of his
siaif, this peculiar kind of crutch, the pao-iXiKYj ox sceptre, is

alluded to. With regard to the origin of the tendril-shaped symbol,
as opposed to the straight sceptre, it may have represented a part of
the plant from which sceptres were made. It has been already com¬
pared to the tendril of a vine; and it is worthy of remark that in
Ezekiel' we read: “ Thy mother is pike a vine— she was fruit¬
ful AND FULL OF BRANCHES— AND SHE HAD RODS OF STRENGTH FOR
THE SCEPTRES OF THEM THAT BEAR RULE.”

1 DJezzar's crutch, or 'Ltfnrpov, is accordingly introduced into the portrait of Sir Sidney
Smith, as it was worn by him, during the siege of Acre, suspended by a cord about his neck,
bir Sidney used this ensign of the power vested in him by Djezzar to encourage the Pacha’s
troops to descend with him into the breach. (See the engraving by Anthony Cardon). It is
a very curious modern relique of the staff mentioned in Hebrews xi. 21. a passage that can
only be understood by reference to the eastern custom among men of rank of leaning upon
a short crutch, or staff, when seated on a couch. Those crutches are sometimes highly
ornamented and inlaid with gems and mother of pearl.

b Hebrews xi. 21.

' Ezekiel Xix- 10^ 11 ■ 5ee also v- 14- Other passages in Ezekiel seem to imply that
under this image of the vine is intended the plant whence the tendril-shaped symbol was bor¬
rowed. Upon the Greek terra-cotta vases it is represented as connected with water and
with aquatic birds , and in the 1 7th Ch. of Ezekiel, v. 8. it is said to be planted " by great
waters,” and that its “ branches turned toward the great eagle, which came to Lebanon .” In
Ezekiel* ix. 10. it is described as “fruitful and full of branches, for sceptres, by reason of

many waters"— but when planted fr in a dry and thirsty ground, as having no rod of strength
(see v. 14.) to be a sceptre to rule."

399

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

This distinction being made, between the two kinds of sceptre
represented as being in the hands of one and the same sovereign, in
the two instances of the deified emperors Augustus a and Tiberius ,b and
also the manner of their appearance as generally figured in antient
sculpture and painting, we may rest satisfied with the presence of that
which has been so commonly called the augural Lituus , (and which
perhaps was truly the Quirinal Lituus , alluded to by Virgil) e without
falling into the old erroneous notion of its absolute reference to the
Roman Augurate. It appears upon the oldest silver medals of Greece ,
struck in ages long before the existence of any Roman augur ; and
anterior even to the foundation of Rome. A medal of this description
was lately brought to this country from Athens/ It exhibits on one side
within an indented square, a head of Pallas, similar to what is seen
on the oldest medals of Corinth, and bearing, in the disposition of the
hair below the helmet of the goddess, the character of a very remote
antiquity. Behind the helmet, and also within the indented square,
is the tendril- shaped Lituus ; e as behind the head of Rome in a coin
of the Servilian family engraved for the work of Vaillant J And this
is evidently the reverse of the medal. In front it exhibits the bifronted
head of a young person, and it is without any legend or monogram. fi
Nothing therefore that it represents can have any allusion to the
Roman Augurate. In this instance the figure of the Lituus exhibits
the same sort of ramification which was before alluded to as decisive
of its being intended for the scion of some plant/ and as it ap¬
pears upon some of the gems and medals with the effigy of Julius

a See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 10. b See PI. XXXVII. fig. 3.

c iEneid. Lib. 7- V. 1S7-

d By the Rev. Wm Jones, M. A. of St. John’s College, Cambridge.

e See PI. XXXIX. fig. 15.

f See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 11. Also Vaillant. Nummi Antiqui Famil. Romanar. &c. Vol. 2.
Amst. 1703. Tab. 130. fig. 15.

s It is probably a coin of one of the Corinthian colonies.

h See PI. XXXIX. fig. 15.

400

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

CcBsar .a When, after the death of Julius , a bronze statute of the dictator
was erected in the Temple of Venus by Augustus , having the star over
his head (whereby, as it was supposed, his deification had been mira¬
culously attested) and the inscription Divo Julio ; it being the inten¬
tion of Augustus to render divine honours to his adoptive father, and
to exhibit his image as a god ; can it be admitted, for an instant, that
he would represent him as an augur? Yet in this instance, (one of
the best authenticated as to its history perhaps of any event repre¬
sented upon the whole series of the Roman coinage) the effigy of the
divine Julius appears bearing in his right hand the Quirinal Lituus as
the symbol of his consecration and apotheosis.b In like manner the
Flamen, being the representative of Numa, is also figured as the great
high priest and king presiding over the sacrifice, with this regal and
pontifical ensign in his hand.c But such was the universality of the
notion of its being the Lituus augur alis , and such the pertinacity with
which it has been adhered to, that sooner than abandon this opinion,
the most learned authors who have written upon the Roman hierarchy,
seeing that a medal of Augustus, with an equestrian image of the
emperor, exhibits the Quirinal Lituus in his right hand, gravely de¬
scribe the representation, as being that of an Augur on horseback .d —
From all which it is manifest, how, by the mere weight of authority,
unsupported by evidence, the most untenable notions may prevail.

We may now proceed to the consideration of a very curious

* See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 7. Also Mariette, Traits des Pierres Gravies, tome 2. pi. 41. Paris,
1750. And Millin, Galerie Mythologique , tome 2. pi. 137. fig. 501. from the engravings
of Tichbein.

b See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 6. from the medals of Augustus. Morellii Thesaurus, 8<c. Tab. 14.
tig. 14. tom. 3. Goltzius, fyc.

See PI. XXXVIII. fig. 9. from Gutherius. de Veter. Jus. Pontif. Lib. 1. apud Graev.
Thesaur. Antiq. Rom, tom. 5. p. 59. L. Bat. 1695. See also the medal of Augustus figured
in p. 129. of the same work, with the legend Salus Generis Humani.

PI. XXXVIII. fig. 13. “ Augurem equo insidentem visum est.” Vide Gutherium de veteri
jure Pontificis urbis Romae, apud Graevium in Thesaur. Antiquit. Romanar. Tom. 5. p. 62.
L. Bat. 1696.

401

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

ancient signet, which, as it gave rise to the preceding observa¬
tions, must perhaps depend, for all that can be offered in its illus¬
tration upon the facts which have been here stated. It was re¬
cently discovered in Cambridge under circumstances rather of a
remarkable nature. An impression made with this signet had been
brought to the author for examination ; which led to his obtain¬
ing possession of the original. He found it to be an Intaglia, executed
in a very singular variety of jasper , of the hardest kind he had ever
seen ; striped reddish and yellowish brown ; not unlike the hydrate of
Silica found in India, which goes by the name of petrified tamarind
tree. Such is its extraordinary durability, that during twenty years,
in all which time it had been worn as a seal, its polished surface had
not been rased or altered ; neither can it be cut by any substance
softer than sapphire. This Intaglia exhibits five symbols, a and two
letters, V. A. which letters, being reversed, appear, when an impres¬
sion is made with the signet, b as A. V. Owing perhaps to the inex¬
plicable nature of the symbols and the superscription, this signet had
twice been possessed by free-masons ; although there be nothing ma¬
sonic in the signs ; neither could they afford any explanation of their
meaning. To any classical antiquary their meaning must be obvious ;
as they are evidently the symbols used upon the medals, gems, and
marbles, of the Romans, to denote the different branches of the pon¬
tificate. But there is something interesting in the representation, be¬
cause, as it does not exactly correspond with any combined series of
those symbols, simultaneously figured upon any known work, and yet
withstands the test of a search into the works of the ancients for au¬
thorities, as to the signs represented, so it will hence be evident that
the signet itself has internal evidence of its being a genuine work of
antiquity, independently of the other proofs, which a mere view of the
stone may afford ; the chances being indefinitely great against the pos¬
sibility of such coincidences, where the workmanship is by a modern

a See PI. XL. fig. 19.

3 f

VOL. XIX.

b See PI. XL. fig. 20.

402

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

hand. Perhaps this will appear plainer in the sequel. The symbols,
as it was said, are five in number/ namely/

1 . The Prcefericulum / in the centre of the signet.

2. The Patera, on the left, over which is the letter A.

3. The Quirinal, or tendril-shaped Lituus, on the right, to the right

of which is the letter V.

4. The Secespita above the Prcefericulum, as distinguished from the

common Cutter, for the larger victims. See Festus, A Mont¬
faucon, e &c. also the reverse of a medal of the Sulpicia fa¬
mily,* where this form of knife appears together with the
usual sacrificial symbols, the Simpulum, and the Secui'is.

5. The Pedum below the Prcefericulum, exactly as it is represented

in two instances in the work of Mariette, Pieties Gravees du
Cabinet du Royfi being a knotted Shepherd' s crook, and there¬
fore the symbol of a sacrifice to Bacchus; with whose attri¬
butes it is figured in the gems engraved for 31ariette' s work,
from the French King’s cabinet.

* See PI. XL. fig. 19-21, shewing the size of the stone, and the manner in which the sym¬
bols are there placed.

11 See PI. XL. fig. 20, for their appearance after an impression is made, and the order in
which they are here described. Fig. 21. shews the setting.

c Festus describes the Prcefericulum as an open vessel, without a handle ; but Montfaucon
refutes this passage of Festus.

d Festus says the Secespita was a knife with an oblong blade and round haft, which the
Flamines, Flaminic virgins, and Pontiffs, made use of in their sacrifices.

e Antiq. Expliq. tome 2, part 1, p. 148. See also Guther. apud Guev. Thesaur. tom. 5,

p. 222.

f Faillant Numm. Antiq, Farnil. Romanar. &;c. pi. 135, fig. 10, vol. 2. Amst. 1703. Vail-
jant, however, gives to this knife the common name of Cutter, and bestows that of Secespita
upon the axe. His words are, “ Cutter, Simpulum, et Secespita.’ Ibid. p. 44S. Winkel-
mann, Histoire de l’Art, &c. tom. 1, pi. 19, shews this form of knife as used for sacrifice.
So also Montfaucon from Maffei, t. 2, part 1, pi. 76, p. 179. Paris, 1719.

5 See PI. 49, and PI. 72 ; the first executed upon an Amethyst, the second upon the stone
which the French call Prime d'Emeraude. Tome 2. Paris, 1750.

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

403

Having these premises, there is light enough afforded to proceed in
the developement of this curious signet. And first, as to the letters
A. V. These, according to Sertorius Ursatus , are used to signify the
name of Augustus, which is thus expressed upon the coins of Nero /
And, without these letters, there is testimony afforded in the symbols
themselves, which would refer this signet to Augustus ; because they
are the symbols which appear upon his medals. It is also from the
conjoined symbols, according to Vaillant , the signet of one who was
Pontifex Maximus ,h which, after the subversion of the Roman repub¬
lic, was always held by the emperors. This again is testified by the
Quirinal Lituus ; the presence of which symbol, added to the obser¬
vations of Vaillant, prove that the letters A. V. cannot signify Augur ;c
a name, moreover, commonly, if not always, when abbreviated, ex¬
pressed by the three letters AY G. And here the inquiry may ter¬
minate : the simple fact, that a series of sacrificial symbols, thus con¬
joined, is decisive as to its having belonged to a Pontifex Maximus ,
(as testified by Vaillant) also establishes the truth of its being an
Imperial Signet ; and if the authority of Sertorius Ursatus may be
relied upon, that the letters A. V. signify the name of Augustus, we
can be at no loss in determining to what Pontifex Maximus it ought
to be ascribed. In the mean time the introduction of the Secespita,
instead of the more usual form of Cutter , and of the knotted Pedum ,
both of these being, at the same time, warranted in their application by

* “ In nummis ajreis Neronis.” Sertorius Ursatus, de notis Romanorum, fyc. p. 37.
Patav. 1672.

b Haec quidem singulatim accepta, Singulorum Sacerdotium exhibent ; simul verb sumpta,
dignitates in Pontifice Maximo conjunctas esse demonstrant. Vaillant, in August, vol. 1 ,
p. 69. Paris, 1688.

* Although Augustus had this title. Upon the reverse of one of his medals we read
Auguri Pontifici Maximo Imperatori XI Patri Patrice.

3 F 2

404

On the Lituus of the antient Romans.

the most undoubted authorities, a carries with it a plea for the authen¬
ticity of this Gem, which, in the examination of works of this nature,
it is not always easy to obtain.

EDWARD DANIEL CLARKE.

Cambridge, Sept. 15, 1820.

a For the knotted Pedum, reference has been already made to the engravings taken from
gems in the royal cabinet of France. The most striking representation of the sort of knife,
or dagger, seen upon this signet, as actually used for cutting the throats of sacrificial vic¬
tims, is that of Millin, Pierres grave'es, into. Also Galerie Mythologique, tom. 2, pi. 138,
Jig. 505. Paris , 1811. But there are others, which have been before cited.

r/arl-r /?< / .

J? Jiasire .»v,

j Vubhfhr*/ Jr z5$r 07 ' sin f/yi/t // vr, .• of London.^ Iprit 1J ’tjSa .

27 ate TKXYH1,

Fia. 2 .

Fig. 2.

Fig. o.

Plate xravm.

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■biitc/icct Chirkc del

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Zu&lished T>y the Society ofAntUfuarte-r a^Zondon, April -.'j '."Wfc .

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VOL. L YIX. />. 404 .

singeUca Clarke del .

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Tiff. 20.

Fiff. 21.

Ai&W bv thf Society1 ofldntiquarics of London dpril -<3 'rifixL .

APPENDIX.

A COUNCIL OF THE SOCIETY

ANTIQUARIES,

December 15, 1776,

RESOLVED,

That such curious Communications as the Council shall
not think proper to publish entire , be extracted from
the Minutes of the Society, and formed into an His¬
torical Memoir, to be annexed to each future V olume
of the Archaeologia.

/ *.

' .1 - . ,

. V : .•

VOLTTXp^og

mienbra

arrant x tove r.i

fPlate TLIW.

foma/i (Trn foaa/3 at Ca ml? ridge

J? Biuirc sc.

APPENDIX.

February 12, 1818. The Right Honourable Sir Joseph Banks, Bart.

exhibited to the Society an iron Axe, accompanied
with the following description by Taylor Combe, Esq.
Director :

“ It was found in the year 1815, in the bed of
“ the river Witham, near Horsley Deep, in Lincoln-
“ shire, where a great number of Roman antiquities
“ have at different times been discovered. This Axe,
“ if the material of which it is made be considered, is
“ exceedingly well preserved, — but it is more parti-
“ cularly remarkable for the great length of the cut-
“ ting edge, and the extraordinary thinness of the
“ metal.” [See PI. XLI. Fig. 1, 2.]

May 7, 1818. The Rev. R. Nixon, F. S.A., exhibited to the Society

a Roman fictile Vase, discovered in the year 1803,
when the workmen were digging the foundation for
a new County Gaol at Cambridge. [PI. XLII.] The
form of the vase is elegant, and the figures with which
it is surrounded are executed with much spirit, and are
certainly not the performance of an unskilful artist.
March 1, 1819. John Barnard, jun. Esq. in a Letter, dated Harlow,

Essex, March 1, 1819, addressed to Nicholas Car¬
lisle, Esq. Secretary, communicated to the Society
the following observations relative to a supposed
Roman Station at that place:

“ From the very limited knowledge we possess of
the situation of many Roman stations enumerated
in Antoninus's Itinerary, perhaps no discovery of
Roman antiquities should be deemed uninteresting.

3 g

VOL. XIX.

410

APPENDIX.

About twenty three miles from London, near
the little market town of Harlow in Essex, Roman
antiquities are often found. Among these I have
seen a small bronze head, (supposed of Silenus) a brass
pin and broach, many fragments of paterae, a piece of
brass about two inches long, (one end of which repre¬
sents an animal’s head) and a great number of Roman
coins, chiefly of emperors from the first Claudius to
Valentinian, with a few British coins of Cunobeline.
The exterior of one of the paterae, which was disco¬
vered at the depth of about eight or ten feet, was
ornamented with figures representing a Cock and a
Triton alternately.

There is a field called Standing Groves, situated
a mile South of this town, near the river Stort, of
an oval form, rising gradually all round to the
centre, about twenty feet high. In digging into this
hill, a few years since, the workmen discovered
some very strong walls, which they were not able
to penetrate.

Foundations of walls, evidently Roman, have also
been found in some fields about a mile to the North
East, and a stone coffin and fragments of paterae
about three quarters of a mile farther in the same
direction.

This station, for such I think I may call it, has
not been noticed by any topographical writer. It
was probably one of those which the Romans formed
soon after their arrival in the time of Claudius, to
defend the Trinobantes of Essex against the Ca-
teuchlani who inhabited Hertfordshire, the Stort, near
which it is situated, separating the two counties.

What renders my conjecture more plausible than
it might otherwise seem, is, that we can trace stations

•mFEC

?T2}arueZ£'

APPENDIX.

411

of the same kind up the Essex side of this river for
nine or ten miles. There is this at Harlow ; another
at Hallingbury, about four miles distant ; another at
Bishop’s Stortford, three miles from thence ; and a
fourth at Stansted M ountfichet, two miles and a half
farther.”

April 1, 1819. William Daniell, Esq. presented to the Society a

drawing of an Urn, found in a Pictish Cairn, at Crak-
raig, in the county of Sutherland, North Britain,
on the farm of Major Clunes, in the spring of 1818.
Its dimensions are

Height 7-f- inches.

Superior diameter 6± inches.

The material is clay, and the colour yellowish
grey : when found it lay in an obliquely inclined
position, and on the lower side, near the bottom,
there were indications of a liquid, which had appa¬
rently lodged so long as to produce an indelible stain
on the substance of the vessel.

The drawing of the Urn was accompanied by a
sketch of the country, including the two cairns, from
one of which the Urn was taken. [See PI. XLIII.]
The cairns are distant not more than two miles from
the sea, and near the great parliamentary road leading
through the Eastern side of Sutherlandshire.

December 23, 1819. Taylor Combe, Esq. Director, exhibited to the

Society a gold Ring [PI. XLI. Fig. 3.] found a short
time ago in the ruins of the palace at Eltham, in Kent.
The ring is the property of Shaw Brooke, Esq. of that
place; it weighs 267-jIq grains, and is set with an
oriental ruby and five diamonds, placed at equal
distances round the exterior. The interior of the ring
is plain, but on the side edges is the following in¬
scription of two lines :

3 G 2

41*2

APPENDIX.

Qui me portera ecploitera
Et a grant Joye revendra.

Who wears me shall perform exploits ,

And with great Joy shall return.

From these lines it is evident that the ring has
been worn as an Amulet, and it is perhaps not a
very improbable conjecture that it may have been
presented to some distinguished personage when he
was on the point of setting out for the Holy Land, in
the time of the Crusade. The antiquity of the palace
at Eltham will very well warrant this supposition.

The inscription is in small Gothic letters, but
remarkably well formed and legible. The shape of
the ruby, which is the principal stone, is an irregular
oval, while the diamonds are all of a triangular form,
and in their native crystallized state.

April 1, 1820. Thomas Pitt, Esq. presented to the Society a number

of clay moulds for Roman coins, with the following
particulars of their discovery :

“ Enclosed herewith you will receive a number
of clay moulds for Roman coins, found in March 1820,
at Lingwell Gate, adjoining the Wakefield Outwood,
near the town of Wakefield, in Yorkshire, in a field
in the occupation of Mr. Matthew Spurr. This field is
situated in the township of Lofthouse cum Carlton, and
about 1^- mile from that place, on the Outwood, where
a large quantity of Roman copper coins were found
in 1812. See an Extract of my Letter to the Society,
published in the Archaeologia, Yol. XVII. page 333,
to which I may now add, that there were upwards
of forty pounds weight of the coins found at that
time.

I presume these to be the same kind of moulds as

APPENDIX.

413

are described in Gough’s edition of Camden’s Bri¬
tannia, Vol. III. page 40. It is there said, that
“ between Wakefield Outwood and Thorp on the
“ Hill, at Lingwell Gate, were found, 1697, certain
“ clay moulds for Roman coins, all of such emperors
“ in whose reigns the money is known to have been
“ counterfeited. This place may take its name from
“ the Lingones quartered at Olicana, Ilkley, and Wall,
“ a corruption of vallum, and they might have en-
“ camped on Thorp on the Hill.’’

Mr. Spurr informs me that large quantities of these
moulds have, at various times, been turned up by the
plough, but that till lately they have not been con¬
sidered of any value.

The coin sent herewith was found between two
of the moulds.”

PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY,

SINCE THE PUBLICATION OF THE EIGHTEENTH VOLUME OF

ARCHAEOLOGIA.

1817.

Alex. Chalmers, Esq. The 32d Volume of The General Biogra¬
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The Trustees of the Bri-1 Catalogus Bibliothecae Musei Britannici,
tish Museum. j Vol. II. Pars altera, 8vo.

The Royal Society of) Memoires de l’Academie Celtique, 6 Tom.
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Engravings of two Marbles in the Ash-
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Norfolk.

John Adamson, Esq. Cheviot; a Poetical Fragment, 8vo.

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415

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The Society of Arts, Ma¬
nufactures, and Com

]

No. III. of Etchings of the Cathedral
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Fcedera, cura Thom* Rymer, Vol. 1.
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Tyne. )

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PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY.

417

The President and CounO Philosophical Transactions, for 1817.
cil ofthe Royal Society. J Part II 4to.

P. H. Leathes, Esq. An authenticated Copy of the Foundation

Deed of the Free Grammar School at
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Sir Christopher Pegge. An Engraving of the late Rev. Samuel

Pegge, LL.D.

1818.

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_ _ _ J ’ > Magna Britannia, Yol. V. 4to.

Samuel Eysons, Esq. J

The Managers of thel Journal of Science and the Arts, No. VIII.
Royal Institution. J 8vo.

Baron Silvester de Sacy. Recherches sur les Mysteres du Pa-

ganisme, 2 Yols. 8vo.

Mr.JohnTrotterBrockett. A Copy of the Episcopal Coins of Dur¬
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fylr. Sharpe. An Engraving of the Seal of William the

Conqueror.

Mons. Akerblad. Lettre sur une inscription Phenicienne

trouvee & Athenes, 4to.

Mr. John Sell Cotman. No. IX. X. of Specimens of the Archi¬
tectural Antiquities of Norfolk, folio.

Mons. Akerblad. Inscrizione Greca sopra una Lamina di

~ Piombo trovata in un sepolcro nelle
vicinanze di Atene, folio.

Sopra dun Laminette di Bronzo trovate
ne’contorni di Atene dissertazione, folio.

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right of an Appellee of Murder, to insist
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Mr. C. A. Stothard, Jun. The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain,

No. VIII. folio.

Synopsis Morborum. Second edition, 8vo.

Dr. Robertson.

VOL. XIX.

3 H

418

PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY.

Egerton.

Dr. S. R. Meyrick.

}

The Hon. and Rev. F. H.l Nos. IX. — XIII. of Addenda and Corri¬
genda to the Edition of Hippolytus Ste-
phanephoros of Euripides, 4to.

The Costume of the Original Inhabitants
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tiochus Evergetes, et sur deux medailles
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Notice sur une Medaille de Philippe-
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Cachets antiques des MedicinsOculistes,4to.

Memoir sur les Medailles de Marinus, 4to.

T, T f A Description of the Collection of Ancient

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tish Museum. i _ _

J 4to. L. P.

A Proof Portrait of the Rev. B. W. Salmon.
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only were printed.

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Churches of England and Wales, 4to.
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The Society of Arts, Ma-'v TheTransactionsoftheSociety,Vol.XXXV.
nufactures, and Com- [>

merce. J

The Court of Directors of) A Dictionary of the Chinese Language,

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Mr. J. C. Buckler.

Mr. J. H. Curtis.

the

}

the East India Company. J

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419

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A Biographical Memoir of the late Pro¬
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Thomas Bowdler, Esq. The Family Shakspeare, 10 Vols. 8vo.

The Rev. George Young. A History of Whitby, and Streones-hall

Abbey, 2 Vols. 8vo.

Mr. W. C. Trevelyan. Fifteen Impressions from antient Seals pre¬
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The American Philoso- Vol. I. of the New Series of their Trans-
phical Society. actions, 4to.

The Commissioners onl Foedera, Vol. II. Pars I. folio,
the Public Records. / Rotuli Hundredorum, Vol. II. folio.

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3 h 2

420

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Alexander Luders, Esq. A Treatise on the Constitution of Parlia¬
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Anonymous. Studies of the Historic Muse, 4to.

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anciens Egyptiens, folio.

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Mons. Charles Pougens. Tresor des origines de la langue Fran-

The President and Coun-^
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ciety. J

The Eight Hon. Sir Jo¬
seph Banks, Bart.

coise.

Philosophical Transactions, for 1 8 18. Part I .
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Two Drawings of the East and West sides
of Kilnsea Cross.

1819.

The Rev. Dr. Wilson. A Sermon preached, on the 2d of Decem¬
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interment. Second edition, 4to.

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Royal Institution. $ 8vo.

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John Moore, Esq. Drawings of a Terra-cotta Vase, and of the

Hilt of a Sword.

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421

Samuel Lysons, Esq.

The Hon. and Rev. F. H.|
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ford.

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The Committee of the
British and Foreign
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Reliquiae Britannico-Romanae, Vol. II. folio

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422

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Lieut. General Thornton.

Mons. Raynouard.

The Commissioners on
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William Robinson, Esq.

}

J. W. Steers, Esq

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Tresor des Origines et Dictionnaire Gram¬
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A Supplement to his Annals of the Coinage
of Britain, 4to. L. P.

The First Part of his Ancient History of
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Feriae Varsavienses, 4to.

A few rubbed-off Impressions of Brass
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PhilosophicalTransactions, for 1819, Parti.
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No3. XXIX. XXX. of Londina Illustrata*
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No3. XIY. XV. of The Quarterly Journal,
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Rotuli Scotiae, Vol. II. folio.

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PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY.

423

Thomas Phillipps, Esq.

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Mr. J. A. Heraud.

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« ✓ *' '

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1820.

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the Public Records.

in the British Museum, 2 Yols. folio.

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lhe lransactions of the Society,
nulactures, and Com- > , vvv.rTT

Vol. XXX VII. 8vo.

merce. J

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Saumur, 2 Vols. 8vo.

Thomas Phillipps, Esq. The Pedigree of Thomas Grove, of Fern-

House in Wilts. A Roll.

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Palibothra, 4to.

Mr. Arthur Taylor. The Glory of Regality, 8vo.

Dr. Francis Hamilton. Genealogies of the Hindus.

The Managers of tht| journa| 0f Science and the Arts, No. XVII.
Royal Institution. J

Mr. Augustus Huttley. A Brick from the Ruins of Babylon.

Ihe Royal Society of j V01S. Ill . & IV .of their Antiquarian Annals,
Antiquaries of Copen- >

hagen.

William Hamper, Esq.

Observations on certain ancient Pillars of
Memorial, called, Hoar- Stones, 4to.

Vol. I. Part III. of a Dictionary of the
Chinese Language, 4to.

The Court of Directors
of the East India Com¬
pany.

The Royal Society of I ^ ... xr ,

. > Commentationes, Vol. IV. 4to.

Gottingen. J

John Adamson, Esq. Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Luis

du Camoens, 2 Vols, 8vo.

Jacopo Grabergdi Hemso. Su La Falsity dell’ origine Scandinava,

Dissertazione istorica, 8vo„

PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY.

425

SirThomas Mantell,Knt.

Dr. G. J. Thorkelin.

The President and Coun¬
cil of the Royal So¬
ciety.

Lord Redesdale.

The Commissioners on
the Public Records.

Charles Stokes, Esq.

Sharon Turner, Esq.

The Managers of the
Royal Institution.

The Hon. and Rev. F. E.
Egerton.

Mons. F. Artaud.

The Court of Directors
of the East India Com¬
pany.

Mr. J. Sell Cotman.

Rev. W. C. Trevelyan.

Coronation Ceremonies and Customs, rela¬
tive to the Barons of the Cinque Ports,
4to.

De Danorum rebus gestis, Sec. III. IV.,
Poema Danicum dialecto Anglo-Sax-
onica, 4to.

Philosophical Transactions, for 1820, Parti.
4to.

Report from the Lords’ Committees con¬
cerning the Dignity of a Peer of the
Realm, folio.

The Statutes of the Realm, Vol. VII. folio.

Supplement au Glossaire de la langue
Romaine, 8vo.

The History of the Anglo-Saxons. Third
edition. 3 Vols. 8vo.

Journal of Science and the Arts,
No . XVIII. XIX.

The Second Part of a Letter to the Pari¬
sians, 8vo.

The Life of Thomas Egerton, Lord Chan¬
cellor of England, 4to.

Discours sur les Medailles d’Auguste et
de Tibere, au revers de l’aute de Lyon,
4to.

A Dictionary of the Chinese Language.
Part II. Vol. I. and Part II. Vol. II. 4to.

The Architectural Antiquities of Nor¬
mandy. Partll. folio.

A Declaration of the Causes moving the
Queene of England (Elizabeth) to give
3 i

VOL. XIX.

426

PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY

Dr. Christianus
bus Fraehn.

aide to the Defence of the People in the '
Low Countries, 4to.

The descripcion and fondacion of the holy
apostolyke Hospitall and Confraternitie
of the Holy Goost in Rome, 8vo.

Marti- Antiquitatis Muhammedanae Monumenta,
variaPars I. 4to.

Novae Symbolae ad rem numariam Muham-
medanorum, 4to.

Beitrage zur Muhammedanischen Miinz-
kunde aus St. Petersburg, 4to.

De Academiae Imperialis Scientiarum Pe-
tropolitanae Museo numario Muslemico,
Pars I. 4to.

De Numo Bulgharicorum forte antiquis-
simo libri duo, 4to.

De origine vocabuli Rossici Dengi, 4to.

De Arabicorum etiam auctorum libris vul-
gatis crisi poscentibus emaculari, ex-
emplo posito historiae Saracenicae Elma-
cini, 4to.

Ueber die Russen und Chasaren, ein Bruck-
stiick aus dem Abu-’Abd-TJllah Mu’ham-
med Dimeschki, 4to.

Catalogus Praelectionum in Universitate
literarum Caesarea-Casanensi a die
13 Aug. 1814 ad 10 Jul. 1815 haben-
darum, 8vo.

Rede bei der Feier der Einnahme von
Paris gehalten 1814, in der Kirche der
Deutschen Gemeinde zu Kasan ; mit der
Rusischen ueberset-zung, 4to.

Curarum exegetico-criticorum in Nahumum
Prophetam Specimen, 4to.

PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY.

427

Rev. George Oliver.

Mr. J. A. Heraud.

Mr. J. Bethune.

Rev. J. Weston.

Mr. William Robinson.

The President and Coun¬
cil of theRoyal Society.

Vorlaiifiger Bericht liber die Arabischan,
Persischen, und Tlirkischen hands-
chriften, der Asiatischen Museum zu
St. Petersburg, 8vo.

Numophylacium Orientale Pototianum,8vo.

Chemische untersuchung des Salzwassers
im Elton-und Bogda-See, &c. 8vo.

Duo Poemata Lamica celebratissima, 8vo.

Historic Collections, relating to the Mo¬
nasteries in Devon, 8vo.

The Legend of St. Loy, 8vo.

Alan of Olway, 8vo.

A Chinese Chronicle, by Abdalla of Beyza,
8vo.

The History of the Parish of Stoke New¬
ington, 8vo.

Philosophical Transactions, for 1820,
Part II. 4to.

1821.

The Trustees of The Bri¬
tish Museum.

}

A Description of the Collection of Ancient
Marbles in the British Museum, Part IV.
4to. L. P.

The Managers of The") Journal of Science and the Arts, No. XX.

Royal Institution. J 8vo.

Rev. Stephen Weston. A Trimester in France and Swisser-

land, 8vo.

George Chalmers, Esq. A Print of the Ensign of David I. at the

Battle of the Standard in 1138.

J. S. Smyth, Esq. Description de la Chasuble de St. Reg-

nobert, avec F explication d une inscrip¬
tion Arabe a Bayeux, 8vo
3 i 2

428

PRESENTS TO THE SOCIETY.

Mr. C. A. Stothard, jun. The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain,

No. IX. folio.

The Commissioners on 1 Reports respecting the Public Records of
The Public Records. J the Kingdom, 1800 — 1819, 2 Vols. folio.

22d February, 1821.

INDEX

Abby, The, ancient Fortress in Gloucester¬
shire so called, 164.

Adeliza, daughter of William the Conqueror,
history of, 199, 200.

JElfgyva, female of that name in the Bayeux
Tapestry, 199.

* - various personages of that name

enumerated, 201.

JSsop’s Fables, some of, used in the border
of the Bayeux Tapestry, 204.

/Ethelbearht, King, Coins of, found at Dor¬
king, 110.

Aethelheard, or Aethelweard, the presumed
name of a King of the East Angles, 111,
302.

JLthelweard, King of the West Saxons,

110, 111.

Agathocles, Coins of, 372.

Agnes Countess of Marr, 245.

AlyvTtTioi; Kva.fji.ot;, 37 6.

Ailettes, an appendage of armour, 137, 138.

Alloy, Analysis of the, in certain Antiqui¬
ties found at Fulbourn in Cambridge¬
shire, 58, 59.

Amphora, Sepulchral use of the, 61.

Amyot, Thomas, Esq. Observations by, on
an historical Fact supposed to be esta¬
blished by the Bayeux Tapestry, 88.

Defence of the early Antiquity of
the Bayeux Tapestry, 198.

Inquiry by, concerning the Kings
of the East Angles, from the murder of
Ethelbert in 792, to the accession of
Edmund the Martyr in 855, 302—307.

Anglo-Saxon Pennies found at Dorking,
Account of, 109.

Appleton in Cheshire, Custom at, 20.

Armilausa, Account of the, as a Military
Garment, 231.

Armour, Observations on the, anciently worn
in England, 120.

- Account of, worn in the 13th Cen¬
tury, from the Chronieon Colmariense,
138.

- - used at Tournaments, 145.

- Lottery for, in 1586, 86.

Arragon, King of, stiled Most Catholiek, 6.

Arsic, Eudo de. Monument of, 225.

Ash, Dr., Dictionary of, contains many
Cheshire words, 16.

Astronomical Theory of the XIVth Century
as described by Richard de Hampole,
329.

Atkyns, Sir Robert, Letter of, written du¬
ring the Great Fire of 1666, 105.

Attleburgh in Norfolk, foundation and ety¬
mology of the town of, 306, 307.

Avantbras, or Vambrace, 142.

Augural Lituus, On the, 386.

Axe of Iron found in Lincolnshire, 409.

Baker, Thos. John Lloyd, Esq. Account o
a Chain of ancient Fortresses in Glouces¬
tershire, by, 161.

Baliol, Edward, Seal of, 243.

Banded Armour, 134.

Banks, Sir Joseph, Observations by, on an
ancient Celt, found near Boston in Lin'
colnshire, 102.

INDEX.

Banks, Sir Joseph, exhibits to the Society
an iron Axe found in Lincolnshire, 409.

Barnard, John, Esq. jun. Observations by,
on a supposed Roman Station at Harlow
in Essex, 409.

Barrows, ancient. Classes of, 49.

- Stone Barrows, where found, 45.

Bartholomew, St. account of two ancient
Seals of the Priory of, 49.

- Transcript of an Instrument

relating to, 51.

- presumed representation of

the Church of, 57, 58.

Bao-Kavta of the Greeks, 70.

Bayeux, Cathedral of, not entirely destroyed
by Henry I. in 1106, 195.

Bayeux Tapestry, Observations on an his¬
torical Fact supposed to be established by
the, 88.

- Mr. C. Stothard’s Obser¬
vations on the, 184.

- - — - Defence of the early an¬
tiquity of the, 197.

Beornwulf, K. of Mercia, 304.

- Coins of, 110, 112.

Berhtulf, K. of Mercia, Coins of, 112.

Bignor, Account of further Discoveries of
the Remains of a Roman Villa at, in
Sussex, 176.

Birrus, or military cloak, account of the,
240.

Birth of the human species, Hampole’s
account of circumstances attending the,
322.

Blaize Castle, ancient Encampment so called
in Gloucestershire, 162.

Bloody Acre, ancient fortress in Glouces¬
tershire so called, 164.

Boulogne, Eustace Earl of, represented in
the Bayeux Tapestry, 203.

Bray, William, Esq. Account of the Lot¬
tery of 1567, by, 79.

- On the Seal and Style of

the Master and Chaplains of the Savoy
Hospital, 146.

- His Account of the Con¬
finement of Henry Wriothesley, Earl of
Southampton, in 1570, by order of Queen
Elizabeth, 263.

Bredon Hill, ancient Entrenchment at, 172.

Bridekirk, Co. Cumb. Runic Inscription on
the Font at, explained, 379.

Bridlington, Survey of the Priory of, in
Yorkshire, t. Hen. VIII. 270.

Broadridge Green, Co. Glouc. ancient En¬
trenchment at, 169.

Broigne, military habit so called, 121, 137 ~

“ Brut, Le,” Harold’s story as related in,
91.

Burgred, K. of Mercia, Coins of, 110, 113.

Bury Hill, Co. Glouc. old Encampment at,
164.

Caesar’s Camp, appellation of, to Roman
Encampments frequent, 97-

Caley, John, Esq. communicates a Copy
of a Survey of the Priory of Bridlington
in Yorkshire, t. Hen. VIII. 270.

Cambridge, Notice of a Roman Vase found
at, 409.

Cataphractes, armour so called, 347.

Cataphracti and Cataphractarii, soldiers so
named among the Romans, 346, 348.

Cave’s Inn, Priory of Halywell in Warwick¬
shire situated at, 76.

Celt, Observations on a, found near Boston
in Lincolnshire, 102.

Celts originally axes, 59, 103.

Celtic Remains, Account of, found at Ful-
bourn in Cambridgeshire, 56.

INDEX.

Cent, or Saint, Game of, 297.

Ceolnoth, Abp. of Canterbury, Coins of,
found at Dorking, 110, 114.

Cerveliere, 142.

Chalmers, George, Esq. Observations by,
tending to shew that a Document pub¬
lished by Selden, in his “ Titles of Ho¬
nour,” is supposititious, 241.

Charter House, Charges of the Lord North’s
buildings at, A. D. 1575, 286.

Chaucer, Geoffrey, the first of our versifiers
who wrote poetically, 315.

Cheshire, Glossary of Words used in, 13.

Christianissimus, title of, given to the Kings
of France, 6, 7, 8.

Church Down, Co. Glouc. ancient Entrench¬
ment at, 169.

Churches, Enumeration of Plans of, agree¬
ing with the "Vesica Piscis,” 363 — 368.

Ciolvulf I. K. of Mercia, Coins of, 110,

112.

Clarke, Rev. E. D. Account of Antiqui¬
ties found at Fulbourn by, 56 —

- On the Lituus of the ancient Ro¬
mans, 386 — 404.

Claudian’s description of the Roman ar¬
mour of his time, 343.

CleeveHill, Co. Glouc. ancient Entrench¬
ments at, 171.

Clement IVth, Pope, Bull of, confirming
the Title of Defender of the Faith to
K. Henry VIII. 3.

Clergy, once anxious to wear Tabards,
238.

Clibanarii, Persian soldiers so called, 349.

Clifton Down, Co. Glouc., Ancient En¬
trenchment on, 162,

Coins, Roman, found near Ockingham,
98.

- Account of the large silver coins,

or medallions, of Syracuse, 369.

Cointise, Account of the, 239.

Cold, excessive, denounced by Hampole
and Milton as among the punishments
of Hell, 328.

Combe, Taylor, Esq. Account of
Anglo-Saxon Pennies by, found at
Dorking in Surrey, 109.

- Original Letters addressed to

Col. Hammond in 1647 and 1648,
communicated by, 149.

- Account by, of an iron Axe found

in Lincolnshire, 409.

- Exhibits to the Society a gold

Ring, found at Eltham in Kent, 411.

Coria and Corieta, armour so called, 340.

Crickley Hill, Co. Gloucester, Entrench¬
ment at, 170.

Cromwell, Oliver, Original Letter of, to
Col. Hammond, 149.

Crosiers, Episcopal, form of the, de¬
rived from the Lituus of the Romans,
392.

Cuissets explained, 142.

Cunobelin, Coins of, found at Harlow in
Essex, 410.

Curfew at St. Martin’s-le- Grand, 256.

Cyamus nelumbo, 276.

Cyclas, or Ciclaton, Account of the, a* a
military garment, 234.

Daniell, William, Esq. communicates
an Account of an Urn found in a Pictish
Cairn in Sutherland, 411,

Day of Judgement, Hampole’s Account
of the, 326.

Death, Hampole’s Picture of, in the
“ Stimulus Conscientige,” 321.

Defender of the Faith, King’s Title of, 1.

Denbury Down, in Devonshire, Camp so
called, 311, 312.

INDEX.

Devil, Hampole’s Account of the, in his
“ Stimulus Conscientiae,” 323.

Devonshire, ancient division of the West-
tern part of, 311.

Dionysius the Elder, State of Syracuse
under the government of, 373.

- his character and talents, 376.

Domitian, Emperor, description of the
lorica of, 339.

Dorking, Co. Surrey, Account of Anglo-
Saxon Pennies found at, 109.

Double-chain mail armour, 135.

- greaved, 136,

- with ailettes,

137.

Doublet, Account of the, as a military
garment, 228.

Duppa, It. Esq. Dissertation by, on the
Lotus of Antiquity, 276 — 2S2.

Dyrham, Co. Glouc., ancient trench
near, 165.

Eadmund, K. of the East Angles, Coins
of, 110, 113.

Earldom, origin of the, in Scotland, 244.

East Angles, Coins of Kings of the, found
at Dorking, 110.

Inquiry concerning the
King’s of the, from the murder of
Ethelbert in 792, to the accession
of Edmund the Martyr in 855, 302.

East Hempstead, Observations on a Ro¬
man Encampment near, 96.

Ecgbeorht, K. Coins of, found at Dorking.
110, 114.

Egbert, K. of Wessex, kingdoms under
his immediate government, 305.

’ his title of “ Rex Anglorum,”
Ibid, note b.

Egypt, symbols occurring in the hands of
the hierarchs of, 393

Elberton in Gloucestershire, ancient
fortress at, 163.

Elizabeth, Q. Letter of, to K. James the
Sixth of Scotland, 11.

- Expenses of, during a visit at

the Lord North’s at Kirtling, 287.

Ellis, Henry, Esq. Copy of an Order
of Cardinal Wolsey on the affairs of the
young Earl of Oxford, communicated
by, 62.

Eltliam, Co. Kent, Account of a gold
Ring found at, 412.

Encampment, Roman, near East Hemp¬
stead, Account of a, 96.

England, Change in the Language of,
produced by the Norman Conquest, 314.

Equites Cataphracti, 349.

- Clibanarii, 349.

- - Roman, mentioned in the Noti-

tia Imperii, 349.

Ethelstan, K. of the East Angles, Coins
of, 110, 113.

Etlielvulf, K. Coins of, found at Dorking,
110, 115.

Evesham Abbey, Account of the Seal of,

66.

Evil Eye, or Fascinum, Observations on
an antique Bas-relief representing the,
70, 99.

Eustace Earl of Boulogne represented in
the Bayeux Tapestry, 185, 203, note b.

Fairfax, General, Original Letter of, to
Col. Hammond, 151.

Fascination, early belief in, 72.

F’ascinum, or Evil Eye, Observations on a,
Bas-relief representing the, 71.

INDEX.

Fire of London, Account of the, by Sir
Robert Atkyns, 105.

“ Forinsecura Servitium,” 247.

Fortresses, ancient, Account of a chain of,
in Gloucestershire, 161.

Fosse-way, Roman, 311.

Fragment of a Greek MS. on Papyrus,
Observations on a, 156.

France, Kings of, called Most Chris¬
tian, 5.

Franci, the term, used in the Bayeux
Tapestry, 204.

Fulbourn, Co. Cambridge, Account of
Antiquities found at, 56.

Gaimer, translation of the Verses of, on
the Exploits of Taillefer, 206.

Gambeson, the, 212.

Gardiner, J. B. Esq. Observations of,
on some Ruins recently exposed in
St Martin’s-le-Grand, 253.

Gillocher Earl of Marr, 245, 246.

Gloucestershire, Account of a Chain of
ancient Fortresses in, 161.

Gonfanons, 137.

Gorget in ancient armour, 142.

Guipon, a military garment, account of
the, 236.

- - — usually emblazoned, 238.

Halywell, Priory of, in Warwickshire,
Observations on the site of, 75.

Hammond, Col. Original Letters to, in
1647 and 1648, 149.

Hamper, William, Esq. Observations
by, on the Seal of Evesham Abbey, 66.

- On the Site of the

Priory of Halywell inW arwickshire,75.

- On the Runic Inscrip¬
tion upon the Font at Bridekirk, 379.

Hampole, Richard de, Account of his
“ Stimulus Conscientise,” 314.

- notices of his Life, 318.

- Passages in Milton’s Paradise

Lost supposed to have been borrowed
from Hampole’s Poem, 327, 328.

- MSS. of the “ Stimulus Con-

scientiae,” 335.

Hanstie Bury, Co. Surrey, Roman Camp
so called, 109.

Harlow, Co. Essex, supposed Roman
Station at, 409.

Harold, Mission of, to Normandy, sup¬
posed to be represented on the Bayeux
Tapestry, 89.

- story of the escape of, from the

Battle of Hastings, 93.

- wives of, 201, note a.

Hauberk, peculiar kinds of, anciently
used in England, 121, 124, 125, 126.
128, 130, 135.

Hauberk jazerant, 132.

Hauqueton, Account of the, 217.

Hay-hill, tumulus so called near Cam¬
bridge, 61.

Heaven, joys of, as depicted by Hampole,
332, 333.

Henry III. K. has the Title of Christianis-
simus, 10.

Henry VIII. K. stile of, 4.

High Brotheridge, Co. Gloucester, En¬
trenchment at, 170.

Highwick, Devon, Camp at, 313.

Hoare, Sir Richard Colt, Account of
a Stone Barrow by, at Wellow in So¬
mersetshire, 43.

Horton, Co. Gloucester, ancient Benches
at, 165.

Howard, Henry, Esq. his Illustration
of the Inscription on the Font at Bride¬
kirk considered, 380, 381.

Huntingdon, Seal of David Earl of, 121.

3 K

VOL. XIX.

INDEX.

Inscriptions, Sepulchral, from Kalabashe,
157.

Intaglia Signet, Account of a, bearing the
sacrificial Symbols of the Roman Pon-
tifex Maximus, 401.

Ireton, Henry, Original Letter from him
and others to Col. Hammond, 153.

Jack, Account of the, 224.

Jacks, Northern, 228.

Jambers, 142.

Jazerant de fer, or Jazerant d’acier, 131.

Julian Year employed by the Christians
of Africa, 159.

Julius Caesar, medals of, bearing repre¬
sentations of the lituus, 391.

Jupas, or Jupon, Account of the mili¬
tary garment so called, 236.

Kalabshe, or Calaptshe, sepulchral In¬
scriptions from, 157.

Kerrich, Rev. T. Observations by, on
the Use of the Mysterious Figure
called Vesica Piscis, in the Architec¬
ture of the Middle Ages and in Gothic
Architecture, 353 — 366.

KIMON, name of, on the Coins of Syracuse,
375.

King’s Weston Hill, ancient Fortress of,
in Gloucestershire, 162.

Kirtling, Declaration of the Lord North’s
expenses at, at the reception of Q.
Eliz. A.D. 1577, 287.

Knight, Richard Payne, Esq. on the
large Silver Coins of Syracuse, 369.

- Notice of a Gem in the Collec¬
tion of, representing the tendril-shaped
Lituus, 390.

Knoll Park, in Gloucestershire, ancient
fortress at, 163.

Kvapoi;, 276.

Lancashire, similarity of the Dialect of
with that of Cheshire, 17.

Lansdown above North Stoke, Co.Glouc.
Old Trenches at, 165.

Leckhampton Hill, Co. Glouc. remains of
an ancient fortress at, 171.

Leo Xth, Bull of, granting the Title of
Defender of the Faith, 1.

Letters Patent, formula of, 251.

Lincolnshire, fens of, 102, 103.

Lituus of the ancient Romans, Disserta¬
tion on the, 386.

- archetype of the, an aquatic Plant,

395.

Lorica, Etymology of the, 346, 347.

Lorica Catena of the Romans, Dissertation
on the, 336.

- hamata, 351.

- plumata, 341.

Lotophagi, 277.

Lotos, Etymology of the word, 276.

Lottery of 1567, Account of the, 79.

Lotus of Antiquity, Dissertation on the,
276.

- different kinds of the, 277, 280, 281.

Lotus-tree, description of the, 277.

Ludecan, K. of Mercia, 304.

Luders, Alexander, Esq. On the King’s
Title of Defender of the Faith, 1.

Lysons, Samuel, Esq. Account of further
Discoveries of the Remains of a Roman
Villa at Bignor in Sussex, by, 176.

- Account of the Remains of a

Roman Villa at Great- Witcombe in
Gloucestershire, by, 13, 178.

INDEX.

Mal-occliio, the, of Italy, 71.

Maormors in Scotland, what, 244.

Marr, origin of the Earldom of, 244.

Mary I. Queen, refounds the Savoy Hospi¬
tal, 147.

Mascled Armour, 126.

Medusa’s Head, why frequent upon Gems
and Coins, 72.

Mercia, Coins of Kings of, found at Dork¬
ing, no.

Mkyrick, Dr. S. R. Observations by, on
the Body-Armour anciently worn in En¬
gland, 120.

- on the ancient Military Garments

formerly worn in England, 209 — 240.

- on the Lorica Catena of the

Romans, 336 — 352.

MilberDown, Encampment on, 313.

Military Garments formerly worn in En¬
gland, Observations on the, 209.

Millingen, James, Esq. on an antique Bas-
Relief, representing the Evil Eye, or
Fascinum, 70.

Milton, John, Account of Passages in the
Paradise Lost of, apparently borrowed
from Hampole’s “ Prick of Conscience,”
327, 328.

Mithra, rites of, 99.

- origin of the word, 100.

Mithraic Animals, 71, 100.

Mixed Armour, 140.

Moray, Early History of the Province of,

249.

- Origin of the Comitatus Moraviae,

250.

More, William, Esq. of Loseley, confine¬
ment of the Earl of Southampton at the
House of, 264,

Morgund the Son of Gillocher, Earl of
Mar, 244, 245.

Moriton, Robert Earl of, 203, note b.

Most-Christian, title of, given to the Kings
of France, 5, 6, 8.

Narrien, John, Esq. Observations of, on a
Roman Encampment near East Hemp¬
stead in Berkshire, 96.

Nemesis, two goddesses of the name of>
among the Romans, 73.

Nicolson, Bishop, his illustration of the
Inscription on the Bridekirk Font cor¬
rected, 3 SO, 381.

Nixon, Rev. R. exhibits to the Society a
Roman Vase found at Cambridge, 409.

Norfolk, similarity of the Dialect of, to that
of Cheshire, 15.

- manners of the Inhabitants of,

unchanged, 16.

Norman Customs, early affectation of, by
the English, 314.

North, Roger Lord, Extracts from the
Household Book of, A.D. 1575, 283.

Northumberland, Original Letter of the
Earl of, to Col. Hammond, 152.

Norwich, Account of Posts placed at the
doors of Chief Magistrates in, in former
times, 383.

Nottingham Hill, Co. Glouc. ancient En¬
trenchments at, 171.

Nubia, Sepulchral Inscriptions from, 159.

- early Existence of Christianity in,

159.

Numismatic Writers, early. Account of
the, 389, 390.

Oekingham, Roman Coins found near, 98.

Odo Bishop of Bayeux, Account of, 203,
note b.

Old Age, Richard de Hampole’s descrip¬
tion of, 321.

INDEX.

Oldbury, entrenched eminence so called in
Gloucestershire, 163.

Painswick Beacon, Co. Glouc. 169.

Parthian Armour, Suidas’s description of
the, 341.

Pedum or Shepherd’s Crook, 392, 402.

- the knotted Pedum sacred to Bac¬
chus, 394, 404.

Pennies, Anglo-Saxon, found at Dorking in
Surrey, Account of, 109.

Pepin, K. of Soissons, Coin of, found at
Dorking, 110, 117-

Phallus, figure of the, used to avert the
effects of fascination, 72, 73.

Philistus, the partisan of Dionysius the
elder, 377-

Pitt, Thomas, Esq. Account by, of Clay
Moulds for Roman Coins found at Wake¬
field in Yorkshire, 412.

Plantagenet, Geoffrey, Father of K. Henry
II. enamelled tablet in memory of, 188,
189.

Plate, Lottery of, in 1567, 86.

Plate- Armour, Account of, 143.

Poleyn, 135, 137, 144.

Pontifex Maximus, title of, 9.

Posts anciently placed on each side of the
gates of chief Magistrates of Cities in
England, Account of, 383.

Pourpoint, Account of the, 220.

Powell, Richard, M. D. Account of two
Seals by, belonging to the Priory of St.
Bartholomew in Smithfield, 49.

Praefericulum, 402.

Presents to the Society since the publica¬
tion of the XVIIIth Volume of Archaeolo-
gia, 414.

Purgatory, Hampole’s Account of, in the
" Stimulus Conscientiae,” 323, 324.

Rahere, prior of St. Bartholomew’s Smith-
field, 51, 54.

Red-Bridge over the river Teign, 309, 310.

Reed, spoken of in Scripture as an ensign
of regal power, 396.

Repton, John Adey, Esq. On the Posts
anciently placed on each side of the
Gates of Chief Magistrates in England,
383.

Rerebrace, 142.

Richard, the name of the sculptor of the
Bridekirk Font, 3S2.

Richard II. stiled “ Christianissimus,” 7-

Ring, Saxon, of gold, described, 381.

- of Gold, found at Eltham in Kent,

411.

Ringed Armour, 123.

Rolle, Richard, of Hampole, Account of
the “ Stimulus Conscientiae” of, 314.

- Notices respecting his Life and

Works, 318.

Roucester Abbey, Co. of Stafford, Priory of
Halywell in Warwickshire, a Cell to, 75-

Roundels, use of, in Armour, 144.

Runic Inscription on the Font at Bridekirk
illustrated, 379.

Rushes, Custom of strewing of, in rooms,
296.

Rustred Armour, 125.

St. Martin’s-le-grand, Observations on some
Ruins recently exposed in, 253.

- ecclesiastical foundation of, 256,

258.

Salisbury, Original Letter of the Earl ot,
to Col. Hammond, 155.

Sandhurst, Roman Silver Medals found
behind the Military College at, 98.

Sarmati and Quadi, Lorica of the, 338,
339.

INDEX.

Savoy Hospital, On the Seal and Style of
the Master and Chaplains of the, 146.

Say and Seale, Lord, Original Letter of, to
Col. Hammond, 151.

Scaled Armour, 128.

“ Sceptrum regale,” Origin of the, 397,
398.

“ Scotieum Servitium,” 248.

Secespita used by the ancient Romans, 402.

Sepulchre, St. Smithfield, life grant of the
Church of, from the Priory of St. Bar¬
tholomew, 51.

“ Servicium Scoticanum,” explanation of
the, 247, 248.

Shepherd’s Crook, figures of Isis and Osiris
represented with, 393.

- also used in the Grecian Mytho¬
logy, 394.

Sicilian Knights in the time of Frederick
K. of Sicily, forbidden to wear their
Surcoats, 234.

Signet, Account of a Jasper Intaglia, bear¬
ing the sacrificial Symbols of the Ro¬
man Pontifex Maximus, 386, 401.

Single Mail Armour, 132.

Sodbury, Old, Co. Glouc. ancient earth¬
works at, 165.

Stevenson, William, Esq. Extracts by,
from “ The Booke of the howsehold
Charges and other Paiments by the L.
North, A.D. 1575,” 283—301.

Stinchcombe Hill, Co. Glouc. 166.

Stone Barrows, where found, 44, 45.

Stothard, Mr. Charles, Observations on
the Bayeux Tapestry, by, 184.

Sturbridge Fair, Account of purchases at,
by the Lord North, t. Q. Eliz. 293,295.

Surcoat, military garment so called. Ac¬
count of the, 232.

- with amorial bearings, 233.

Sword, ancient, found in the river Cam. 57-

Syracuse, On the large Silver Coins of,
369.

- State of the government of, un¬
der Dionysius the elder, 373.

Tabard, the, Account of. 238.

- in use till the time of Henry VIII.

239.

Tablet, Enamelled, in memory of Geoffrey
Plantagenet, at Mans, 189.

Taillefer, mistake relating to, in the Ac¬
counts of the Baieux Tapestry, 190.

- Exploits of, in the Battle of Has¬
tings, 198, note a.

- transl. of Gaimar’s verses relating

to, 206.

Taylor, P. T. Esq. His Account of some
Discoveries made in taking down the
old Bridge over the river Teign, A.D
1814, 308—313.

Tegulated Armour, 130.

Teign, river. Account of some Discoveries
made in taking down the old Bridge
over the, 308.

Teign Bridge, existence of, t. Will. Conq-

311.

Thanes, how mentioned in Scotish Char¬
ters, 245.

Trees, roots of, found in draining the East
Fen in Lincolnshire, 102.

Trelliced Armour, 121.

Tres Cretien, Title of, with the Kings of
France, 5, 7.

Turold, a person represented in the
Bayeux Tapestry, 204.

Ugbrooke Park, Devon, Roman Camp
in, 311, 312.

Uley Bury, ancient Encampment so
called, Co. Glouc. 167

INDEX.

Ulger Bishop of Angers, enamelled Ta¬
blet for, destroyed, 189.

Vambrace, 142.

“ Vesica Piscis,” Observations on the
Use of the Mysterious Figure so called,
in the Architecture of the Middle Ages
and in Gothic Architecture, 353.

Vine, Plant intended under the image of
the, in different passages of Ezekiel,
398.

Vitalis, representation of a person of that
name in the Bayeux Tapestry, 204.

Wase, Extracts from the Metrical His¬
tory of the Dukes of Normandy by,
91, note

Wadard of the Bayeux Tapestry, who,

202.

Wakefield, Co. York, Account of Clay
Moulds for Roman Coins found at, 412.

Wambeys, the, 210.

Warton, Thomas, his Extracts from Ham-
pole’s “Prick of Conscience” criti¬
cized, 316, 334.

Welsh, Giraldus’s Account of the armour
used by the, 129.

Weston, Rev. S. Communication from,
of a Letter to Q. Elizabeth, 11.

- Further Observations

by, on the Bas-relief supposed to re¬
present the Evil Eye, 99.

Weston, Rev. S. Copy of a Letter of
Sir Robert Atkyns, communicated by,
relating to the Fire of London, 105.
Westridge, Co. Glouc. ancient Earth¬
works at, 166.

Wickham Bushes, Co. Berks, Roman
remains at, 97.

Wiglaf, K. of Mercia, Coin of, found, 112.
W ILBRAH AM, Roger, Esq. Attempt at a
Glossary of some Words used in
Cheshire, by, 13.

illiam K. of Scotland, supposed spu¬
rious Charter of, A.D. 1171, 241.
Wiltshire and Dorset, sepulchral tumuli
of, 44.

Witcombe, Great, Co. Glouc. Account
of the Remains of a Roman Villa dis¬
covered at, 178.

Wolsey, Cardinal, Order of, for the ma¬
nagement of the Affairs of the young
Earl of Oxford, 62.

Wriothesley, Henry, Eari < f Southamp¬
ton, Account of the Confinement of, by
order of Queen Elizabeth, in 1570, 263.

Yates, Jos. Brooks, Esq. Account of
Hampole’s “ Stimulus Conscientiae,*’
by, 314, 335.

Young, Thomas, M.D. Observations
by, on a Fragment of a Greek MS. on
Papyrus, together with some Sepul¬
chral Inscriptions, 156.

T. Bg.msley, Printer, 4, Crane Court, Fleet Street.

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Full text of "Archaeologia, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity / Society of Antiquaries of London. Volume 19, 1821"

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